Barang Jhodia.-—A sub-division of Poroja.

Bardeshkar (people of twelve countries).—Some families among Konkani Brahmans go by this name.

Bariki.—Bariki is the name for village watchmen in Southern Ganjam, whose duty it further is to guide the traveller on the march from place to place. In the Bellary Manual, Barika is given as the name for Canarese Kabberas, who are village servants, who keep the village chavadi (caste meeting-house) clean, look after the wants of officials halting in the village, and perform various other duties. In the Census Report, 1901, the Barikas are said to be usually Boyas. The Barika of Mysore is defined by Mr. L. Rice as * "a menial among the village servants; a deputy talari, who is employed to watch the crops from the growing crop to the granary."

* Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer.

It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that “in the middle of the threshold of nearly all the gateways of the ruined fortifications round the Bellary villages will be noticed a roughly cylindrical or conical stone, something like a lingam. This is the boddu-rayi, literally the navel stone, and so the middle stone. It was planted there when the fort was built, and is affectionately regarded as being the boundary of the village site.

“Once a year, in May, just before the sowing season begins, a ceremony takes place in connection with it. Reverence is first made to the bullocks of the village, and in the evening they are driven through the gateway past the boddu-rayi with tom-toms, flutes, and all kinds of music. The Barike next does puja (worship) to the stone, and then a string of mango leaves is tied across the gateway above it. The villagers now form sides, one party trying to drive the bullocks through the gate, and the other trying to keep them out.

“The greatest uproar and confusion naturally follow, and, in the midst of the turmoil, some bullock or other eventually breaks through the guardians of the gate, and gains the village. If that first bullock is a red one, the red grains on the red soils will flourish in the coming season. If he is white, white crops like cotton and white cholam will prosper. If he is red-and-white, both kinds will do well.

“When the rains fail, and, in any case, on the first full moon in September, rude human figures drawn on the ground with powdered charcoal may be seen at cross-roads and along big thoroughfares. They represent Jokumara the rain-god, and are made by the Barikes—a class of village servants, who are usually of the Gaurimakkalu sub-division of the Kabberas.

“The villagers give the artists some small remuneration, and believe that luck comes to those who pass over the figures."

Barike.—A title of Gaudos and other Oriya castes.

Barrellu (buffaloes).—An exogamous sept of Kapu.

Basala.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as Telugu beggars and soothsayers in Vizagapatam. The word is apparently a corruption of Basa-valu, a sage. The Basa-valu pretend to be messengers of Indra, the chief of the Devatas, and prognosticate coming events.

Basari (fig tree).—A gotra of Kurni.

Basava Golla.—A name for certain Koyis of the Godavari district, whose grandfathers had a quarrel with some of their neighbours, and separated from them. The name Basava is said to be derived from bhasha, a language, as these Koyis speak a different language from the true Gollas.* In like manner, Basa Kondhs are those who speak their proper language, in contradistinction to those who speak Oriya, or Oriya mixed with Kui.

* Rev. J. Cain. Ind. Ant., V, 1876

Basavi.—See Deva-dasi.

Basiya Korono.—A sub-division of Korono.

Basruvogaru (basru, belly).—An exogamous sept of Gauda.

Baththala (rice).—An exogamous sept of Kamma.

Batlu (cup).—An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Bauri.—There are found in the Madras Presidency nomad gangs of Bauris or Bawariyas, who are described* as "one of the worst criminal tribes of India. The sphere of their operations extends throughout the length and breadth of the country. They not only commit robberies, burglaries and thefts, but also practice the art of manufacturing and passing counterfeit coin.

They keep with them a small quantity of wheat and sandal seeds in a small tin or brass case, which they call Devakadana or God's grain, and a tuft of peacock's feathers, all in a bundle.

* M. Paupa Rao Naidu. The Criminal Tribes of India. No. Ill, Madras, 1907.

They are very superstitious, and do not embark on any enterprise without first ascertaining by omens whether it will be attended with success or not. This they do by taking at random a small quantity of grains out of their Devakadana and counting the number of grains, the omen being considered good or bad according as the number of seeds is odd or even.

For a detailed record of the history of this criminal class, and the methods employed in the performance of criminal acts, I would refer the reader to the accounts given by Mr. Paupa Rao * and Mr. W. Crooke.**

* Op. cit.

** Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh. Bawariya, 1906.

Bavaji. The Bavajis are Bairagi or Gosayi beggars, who travel about the country. They are known by various names, e.g., Bairagi, Sadu, etc.

Bavuri.—The Bavuris, or Bauris, are a low class of Oriya basket-makers, living in Ganjam, and are more familiarly known as Khodalo. They are a polluting class, living in separate quarters, and occupy a position lower than the Samantiyas, but higher than the Kondras, Dandasis, and Haddis.

They claim that palanquin (dhooly or duli) bearing is their traditional occupation, and consequently call themselves Boyi.

"According to one story, " Risley writes, * “they were degraded for attempting to steal food from the banquet of the gods ; another professes to trace them back to a mythical ancestor named Bahak Rishi (the bearer of burdens), and tells how, while returning from a marriage procession, they sold the palanquin they had been hired to carry, got drunk on the proceeds, and assaulted their guru (religious preceptor), who cursed them for the sacrilege, and condemned them to rank thenceforward among the lowest castes of the community."

* Tribes and Castes of Bengal, 1891.

The Bavuris are apparently divided into two endogamous sections, viz., Dulia and Khandi. The former regard themselves as superior to the latter, and prefer to be called Khodalo. Some of these have given up eating beef, call themselves Dasa Khodalos, and claim descent from one Ballioa Doss, a famous Bavuri devotee, who is said to have worked wonders, analogous to those of Nandan of the Paraiyan community. To this section the caste priests belong.

At Russelkonda, a woman, when asked if she was a Bavuri, replied that the caste is so called by others, but that its real name is Khodalo. Others, in reply to a question whether they belonged to the Khandi section, became angry, and said that the Khandis are inferior, because they eat frogs.

The Bavuris gave the name of two gotras, saptha bhavunia and naga, which are said to be exogamous. The former offer food to the gods on seven leaves of the white gourd melon, Benincasa cerifera (kokkara), and the latter on jak (Artocarptis integrifolia : panasa) leaves. All over the Oriya country there is a general belief that house-names or bamsams are foreign to the Oriya castes, and only possessed by the Telugus. But some genuine Oriya castes, e.g-., Haddis, Dandasis and Bhondaris, have exogamous bamsams.

For every group of villages (muttah), the Bavuris apparently have a headman called Behara, who is assisted by Naikos or Dolo Beharas, or, in some places, Dondias or Porichas, who hold sway over a smaller number of villages. Each village has its own headman, called Bhollobhaya (good brother), to whose notice all irregularities are brought. These are either settled by himself, or referred to the Behara and Naiko.

In some villages, in addition to the Bhollobhaya, there is a caste servant called Dangua or Dogara.

For serious offences, a council-meeting is convened by the Behara, and attended by the Bhollobhayas, Naikos. and a few leading members of the community. The meeting is held in an open plain outside the village. Once in two or three years, a council-meeting, called mondolo, is held, at which various matters are discussed, and decided. The expenses of meetings are defrayed by the inhabitants of the villages in which they take place.

Among the most important matters to be decided by tribunals are adultery, eating with lower castes, the re-admission of convicts into the caste, etc. Punishment takes the form of a fine, and trial by ordeal is apparently not resorted to. A man, who is convicted of committing adultery, or eating with a member of a lower caste, is received back into the caste on payment of the fine.

A woman, who has been proved guilty of such offences, is not so taken back. It is said that, when a member of a higher caste commits adultery with a Bavuri woman, he is sometimes received into the Bavuri caste.

The Behara receives a small fee annually from each village or family, and also a small present of money for each marriage. Girls are married either before or after puberty. A man may marry his maternal uncle's, but not his paternal aunt's daughter. At an adult marriage, the festivities last for four days, whereas, at an infant marriage, they are extended over seven days.

When a young man's parents have selected a girl for him, they consult a Brahman, and, if he decides that the marriage will be auspicious, they proceed to the girl's home, and ask that a day be fixed for the betrothal. On the appointed day the amount of money, which is to be paid by the bridegroom-elect for jewels, etc., is fixed.

One or two new cloths must be given to the girl's grandmother, and the man's party must announce the number of feasts they intend to give to the castemen. If the family is poor, the feasts are mentioned, but do not actually take place. The marriage ceremony is always celebrated at night.

On the evening of the day prior thereto, the bride and bridegroom's people proceed to the temple of the village goddess (Takurani), and, on their way home, go to seven houses of members of their own or some higher caste, and ask them to give them water, which is poured into a small vessel. This vessel is taken home, and hung over the bedi (marriage dais). The water is used by the bride and bridegroom on the following morning for bathing.

On the marriage day, the bridegroom proceeds to the bride's village, and is met on the way by her party, and escorted by his brother-in-law to the dais. The Bhollobhaya enquires whether the bride's party have received everything as arranged, and, when he has been assured on this point, the bride is brought to the dais by her maternal uncle. She carries with her in her hands a little salt and rice ; and, after throwing these over the bridegroom, she sits by his side.

The grandfathers of the contracting couple, or a priest called Dhiyani, officiate. Their pal.s are placed together, and the hands united by a string dyed with turmeric. The union of the hands is called hasthagonti, and is the binding portion of the ceremony.

Turmeric water is poured over the hands seven times from a chank or sankha shell. Seven married women then throw over the heads of the couple a mixture of Zizyphus Jujtuba (borkolipathro) leaves, rice smeared with turmeric, and Cynodon Dactylon (dhuba) culms. This rite is called bhondaivaro, and is performed at all auspicious ceremonies.

The fingers of the bride and bridegroom are then linked together, and they are led by the wife of the bride's brother seven times round the bedi. The priest then proclaims that the soot can soon be wiped off the cooking-pot, but the connection brought about by the marriage is enduring, and relationship is secured for seven generations.

The pair are taken indoors, and fed. The remaining days of the marriage ceremonies are given up to feasting. The remarriage of widows is permitted. A widow is expected to marry the younger brother of her deceased husband, or, with his permission, may marry whom she likes. When a girl attains maturity, she is seated on a new mat, and Zizyphus Jujuba leaves are thrown over her. This ceremony is sometimes repeated daily for six days, during which sweets, etc., are given to the girl, and women who bring presents are fed. On the seventh day, the girl is taken to a tank (pond), and bathed.

The dead are either buried or burnt. The corpse is, at the funeral, borne in the hands, or on a bier, by four men. Soon after the village boundary has been crossed, the widow of the deceased throws rice over the eyes of the corpse, and also a little fire, after taking it three times round. She usually carries with her a pot and ladle, which she throws away.

If an elderly woman dies, these rites are performed by her daughter-in-law.

At the burial-ground, the corpse is taken seven times round the grave, and, as it is lowered into it, those present say "Oh! trees. Oh! sky. Oh! earth, we are laying him in. It is not our fault."

When the grave has been filled in, the figures of a man and woman are drawn on it, and all throw earth over it, saying "You were living with us ; now you have left us. Do not trouble the people."

On their return home, the mourners sprinkle cow-dung water about the house and over their feet, and toddy is partaken of. On the following day, all the old pots are thrown away, and the agnates eat rice cooked with margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves.

Food is offered to the dead person, either at the burial-ground or in the backyard of the house. On the tenth day, the Dhiyani, as the priest is called, is sent for, and arrives with his drum (dhiyani). A small hut is erected on a tank bund (embankment), and food cooked seven times, and offered seven times on seven fragments of pots. A new cloth is spread, and on it food, fruits, a chank shell, etc., are placed, and offered to the deceased. The various articles are put into a new pot, and the son, going into the water up to his neck, throws the pot into the air, and breaks it. The celebrants of the rite then return to the house, and stand in a row in front thereof. They are there purified by means of milk smeared over their hands by the Dhiyani. On the twelfth day, food is offered on twelve leaves.

The Bavuris do not worship Jagannathaswami, or other of the higher deities, but reverence their ancestors and the village goddesses or Takuranis.

Like other Oriya classes, the Bavuris name their children on the twenty-first day. Opprobrious names are common among them, e.g., Ogadu (dirty fellow), Kangali (wretched fellow), Haddia (Haddi, or sweeper caste).

Bedar or Boya.—''Throughout the hills," Buchanan writes,* "northward from Capaladurga, are many cultivated spots, in which, during Tippoo's government, were settled many Baydaru or hunters, who received twelve pagodas (£4 55.) a year, and served as irregular troops whenever required. Being accustomed to pursue tigers and deer in the woods, they were excellent marksmen with their match-locks, and indefatigable in following their prey ; which, in the time of war, was the life and property of every helpless creature that came in their way. During the wars of Hyder and his son, these men were chief instruments in the terrible depredations committed in the lower Carnatic. They were also frequently employed with success against the Poligars (feudal chiefs), whose followers were of a similar description."

* Journey through Mysore, Canara and Malabar, 1807.

In the Gazetteer of the Anantapur district it is noted that "the Boyas are the old fighting caste of this part of the country, whose exploits are so often recounted in the history books. The Poligars' forces, and Haidar Ali's famous troops were largely recruited from these people, and they still retain a keen interest in sport and manly exercises."

In his notes on the Boyas, which Mr. N. E. O. Mainwaring has kindly placed at my disposal, he writes as follows. "Although, until quite recently, many a Boya served in the ranks of our Native army, being entered in the records thereof either under his caste title of Naidu, or under the heading of Gentu, * which was largely used in old day military records, yet this congenial method of earning a livelihood has now been swept away by a Government order, which directs that in future no Telegas shall be enlisted into the Indian army.

* Gentu or Gentoo is "a corruption of the Portuguese Gentio, gentile or heathen, which they applied to the Hindus in contradistinction to the Moros or Moors, i.e., Mahommedans. It is applied to the Telugu-speaking Hindus specially, and to their language." Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson.

That the Boyas were much prized as fighting men in the stirring times of the eighteenth century is spoken to in the contemporaneous history of Colonel Wilks* He speaks of the brave armies of the Poligars of Chitteldroog, who belonged to the Beder or Boya race in the year 1755.

* Historical Sketches of the South of India : Mysore, 1810— 17.

Earlier, in 1750, Hyder Ali, who was then only a Naik in the service of the Mysore Raja, used with great effect his select corps of Beder peons at the battle of Ginjee.

Five years after this battle, when Hyder was rising to great eminence, he augmented his Beder peons, and used them as scouts for the purpose of ascertaining the whereabouts of his enemies, and for poisoning with the juice of the milk-hedge (Euphorbia Tirucalli) all wells in use by them, or in their line of march.

The historian characterises them as being 'brave and faithful thieves.'

In 1751, the most select army of Morari Row of Gooty consisted chiefly of Beder peons, and the accounts of their deeds in the field, as well as their defence of Gooty fort, which only fell after the meanness of device had been resorted to, prove their bravery in times gone by beyond doubt.

There are still a number of old weapons to be found amongst the Boyas, consisting of swords, daggers, spears, and matchlocks. None appear to be purely Boya weapons, but they seem to have assumed the weapons of either Muhammadans or Hindus, according to which race held sway at the time.

In some districts, there are still Boya Poligars, but, as a rule, they are poor, and unable to maintain any position. Generally, the Boyas live at peace with their neighbours, occasionally only committing a grave dacoity (robbery).*

* By law, to constitute dacoity, there must be five or more in the gang committing the crime. Yule and Burnell, op. cit.

"In the Kurnool district, they have a bad name, and many are on the police records as habitual thieves and housebreakers. They seldom stoop to lesser offences. Some are carpenters, others blacksmiths who manufacture all sorts of agricultural implements. Some, again, are engaged as watchmen, and others make excellent snares for fish out of bamboo. But the majority of them are agriculturists, and most of them work on their own putta lands. They are now a hard-working, industrious people, who have become thrifty by dint of their industry, and whose former predatory habits are being forgotten. Each village, or group of villages, submits to the authority of a headman, who is generally termed the Naidu, less commonly Dora as chieftain.

In some parts of Kurnool, the headmen are called SimhasanaBoyas. The headman presides at all functions, and settles, with the assistance of the elders, any disputes that may arise in the community regarding division of property, adultery, and other matters. The headman has the power to inflict fines, the amount of which is regulated by the status and wealth of the defaulter. But it is always arranged that the penalty shall be sufficient to cover the expense of feeding the panchayatdars (members of council), and leave a little over to be divided between the injured party and the headman. In this way, the headman gets paid for his services, and practically fixes his own remuneration."

It is stated in the Manual of the Bellary district that "of the various Hindu castes in Bellary, the Boyas (called in Canarese Bedars, Byedas, or Byadas) are far the strongest numerically. Many of the Poligars whom Sir Thomas Munro found in virtual possession of the country when it was added to the Company belonged to this caste, and their irregular levies, and also a large proportion of Haidar's formidable force, were of the same breed. Harpanahalli was the seat of one of the most powerful Poligars in the district in the eighteenth century. The founder of the family was a Boya taliari, who, on the subversion of the Vijayanagar dynasty, seized on two small districts near Harpanahalli. The Boyas are perhaps the only people in the district who still retain any aptitude for manly sports. They are now for the most part cultivators and herdsmen or are engaged under Government as constables, peons, village watchmen (taliaris), and so forth.

Their community provides an instructive example of the growth of caste sub-divisions. Both the Telugu-speaking Boyas and the Canarese-speaking Bedars are split into the two main divisions of Uru or village men, and Myasa or grass-land men, and each of these divisions is again sub-divided into a number of exogamous Bedagas.

Four of the best known of these sub-divisions are Yemmalavaru or buffalo- men ; Mandalavaru or men of the herd ; Pulavaru or flowermen, and Minalavaru or fish-men. They are in no way totemistic. Curiously enough, each Bedagu has its own particular god, to which its members pay special reverence. But these Bedagas bear the same names among both the Boyas and the Bedars, and also among both the Uru and Myasa divisions of both Boyas and Bedars. It thus seems clear that, at some distant period, all the Boyas and all the Bedars must have belonged to one homogeneous caste.

At present, though Uru Boyas will marry with Uru Bedars and Myasa Boyas with Myasa Bedars, there is no intermarriage between Urus and Myasas, whether they be Boyas or Bedars. Even if Urus and Myasas dine together, they sit in different rows, each division by themselves. Again, the Urus (whether Boyas or Bedars) will eat chicken and drink alcohol, but the Myasas will not touch a fowl or any form of strong drink, and are so strict in this last matter that they will not even sit on mats made of the leaf of the date-palm, the tree which in Bellary provides all the toddy.

The Urus, moreover, celebrate their marriages with the ordinary ceremonial of the halu-kamba or milkpost, and the surge, or bathing of the happy pair ; the bride sits on a flour-grinding stone, and the bridegroom stands on a basket full of cholam (millet), and they call in Brahmans to officiate. But the Myasas have a simpler ritual, which omits most of these points, and dispenses with the Brahman.

Other differences are that the Uru women wear ravikkais or tight-fitting bodices, while the Mayasas tuck them under their waist- string. Both divisions eat beef, and both have a hereditary headman called the ejaman, and hereditary Dasaris who act as their priests."

In the Madras Census Report, 1901, it is stated that the two main divisions of Boyas are called also Pedda (big) and Chinna (small) respectively, and, according to another account, the caste has four endogamous sections, Pedda, Chinna, Sadaru, and Myasa.

Sadaru is the name of a sub-division of Lingayats, found mainly in the Bellary and Anantapur districts, where they are largely engaged in cultivation. Some Bedars who live amidst those Lingayats call themselves Sadaru.

According to the Manual of the North Arcot district, the Boyas are a "Telugu hunting caste, chiefly found above the ghats. Many of the Poligars of that part of the country used to belong to the caste, and proved themselves so lawless that they were dispossessed. Now they are usually cultivators. They have several divisions, the chief of which are the Mulki Boyas and the Pala Boyas, who cannot intermarry."

According to the Mysore Census Reports, 1891 and 1901, "the Bedas have two distinct divisions, the Kannada and Telugu, and own some twenty sub-divisions, of which the following are the chief:—Halu, Machi or Myasa, Nayaka, Pallegar, Barika, Kannaiyyanajati, and Kirataka.

“The Machi or Myasa Bedas comprise a distinct sub-division, also called the Chunchus. They live mostly in hills, and outside inhabited places in temporary huts. Portions of their community had, it is alleged, been coerced into living in villages, with whose descendants the others have kept up social intercourse. They do not, however, eat fowl or pork, but partake of beef; and the Myasa Bedas are the only Hindu class among whom the rite of circumcision is performed,* on boys of ten or twelve years of age. These customs, so characteristic of the Mussalmans, seem to have been imbibed when the members of this sub-caste were included in the hordes of Haidar Ali.

* Circumcision is practised by some Kallans of the Tamil country.

“Simultaneously with the circumcision, other rites, such as the panchagavyam, the burning of the tongue with a nim (Melia Azadirachta) stick, etc. (customs pre-eminently Brahmanical), are likewise practised prior to the youth being received into communion. Among their other peculiar customs, the exclusion from their ordinary dwellings of women in child-bed and in periodical sickness, may be noted.

“The Myasa Bedas are said to scrupulously avoid liquor or every kind, and eat the flesh of only two kinds of birds, viz., gauja (grey partridge), and lavga (rock-bush quail)."

Of circumcision among the Myasa Bedars it is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that they practise this rite round about Rayadrug and Gudekota. "These Myasas seem quite proud of the custom, and scout with scorn the idea of marrying into any family in which it is not the rule. The rite is performed when a boy is seven or eight. A very small piece of the skin is cut off by a man of the caste, and the boy is then kept for eleven days in a separate hut, and touched by no one. His food is given him on a piece of stone. On the twelfth day he is bathed, given a new cloth, and brought back to the house, and his old cloth, and the stone on which his food was served, are thrown away. His relations in a body then take him to a tangedu (Cassia auriculata) bush, to which are offered cocoanuts, flowers, and so forth, and which is worshipped by them and him.

“Girls on first attaining puberty are similarly kept for eleven days in a separate hut, and afterwards made to do worship to a tangedu bush. This tree also receives reverence at funerals."

The titles of the Boyas are said to be Naidu or Nayudu, Naik, Dora, Dorabidda (children of chieftains), and Valmiki. They claim direct lineal descent from Valmiki, the author of the Ramayana. At times of census in Mysore, some Bedars have set themselves up as Valmiki Brahmans.

The origin of the Myasa Bedas is accounted for in the following story. A certain Bedar woman had two sons, of whom the elder, after taking his food, went to work in the fields. The younger son, coming home, asked his mother to give him food, and she gave him only cholam (millet) and vegetables. While he was partaking thereof, he recognised the smell of meat, and was angry because his mother had given him none, and beat her to death. He then searched the house, and, on opening a pot from which the smell of meat emanated, found that it only contained the rotting fibre-yielding bark of some plant. Then, cursing his luck, he fled to the forest, where he remained, and became the forefather of the Myasa Bedars.

For the following note on the legendary origin of the Bedars, I am indebted to Mr. Mainwaring.

"Many stories are told of how they came into existence, each story bringing out the name which the particular group may be known by. Some call themselves Nishadulu, and claim to be the legitimate descendants of Nishadu. When the great Venudu, who was directly descended from Brahma, ruled over the universe, he was unable to procure a son and heir to the throne. When he died, his death was regarded as an irreparable misfortune. In grief and doubt as to what was to be done, his body was preserved. The seven ruling planets, then sat in solemn conclave, and consulted together as to what they should do. Finally they agreed to create a being from the right thigh of the deceased Venudu, and they accordingly fashioned and gave life to Nishudu. But their work was not successful, for Nishudu turned out to be not only deformed in body, but repulsively ugly. It was accordingly agreed, at another meeting of the planets, that he was not a fit person to be placed on the throne. So they set to work again, and created a being from the right shoulder of Venudu. Their second effort was crowned with success. They called their second creation Chakravati, and, as he gave general satisfaction, he was placed on the throne. This supersession naturally caused Nishudu, the first born, to be discontented, and he sought a lonely place. There he communed with the gods, begging of them the reason why they had created him, if he was not to rule. The gods explained to him that he could not now be put on the throne, since Chakravati had already been installed, but that he should be a ruler over the forests. In this capacity, Nishudu begot the Koravas, Chenchus, Yanadis, and Boyas. The Boyas were his legitimate children, while the others were all illegritimate.

According to the legend narrated in the Valmiki Ramayana, when king Vishwamitra quarrelled with the Rishi Vashista, the cow Kamadenu belonging to the latter, grew angry, and shook herself. From her body an army, which included Nishadulu, Turka (Muhammadans), and Yevannudu (Yerukalas) at once appeared."

A myth related by the Boyas in explanation of their name Valmikudu runs as follows. In former days, a Brahman, who lived as a highwayman, murdering and robbing all the travellers he came across, kept a Boya female, and begot children by her. One day, when he went out to carry on his usual avocation, he met the seven Rishis, who were the incarnations of the seven planets. He ordered them to deliver their property, or risk their lives. The Rishis consented to give him all their property, which was little enough, but warned him that one day he would be called to account for his sinful deeds. The Brahman, however, haughtily replied that he had a large family to maintain, and, as they lived on his plunder, they would have to share the punishment that was inflicted upon himself. The Rishis doubted this, and advised him to go and find out from his family if they were willing to suffer an equal punishment with him for his sins. The Brahman went to his house, and confessed his misdeeds to his wife, explaining that it was through them that he had been able to keep the family in luxury. He then told her of his meeting with the Rishis, and asked her if she would share his responsibility. His wife and children emphatically refused to be in any way responsible for his sins, which they declared were entirely his business. Being at his wit's end, he returned to the Rishis, told them how unfortunate he was in his family affairs, and begged advice of them as to what he should do to be absolved from his sins. They told him that he should call upon the god Rama for forgiveness. But, owing to his bad bringing up and his misspent youth, he was unable to utter the god's name.

“So the Rishis taught him to say it backwards by syllables, thus :—ma ra, ma ra, ma ra, which, by rapid repetition a number of times, gradually grew into Rama. When he was able to call on his god without difficulty, the Brahman sat at the scene of his graver sins, and did penance. White-ants came out of the ground, and gradually enveloped him in a heap. After he had been thus buried alive, he became himself a Rishi, and was known as Valmiki Rishi, valmiki meaning an ant-hill. As he had left children by the Boya woman who lived with him during his prodigal days, the Boyas claim to be descended from these children and call themselves Valmikudu."

The Bedars, whom I examined at Hospet in the Bellary district, used to go out on hunting expeditions, equipped with guns, deer or hog spears, nets like lawn-tennis nets used in drives for young deer or hares. Several men had cicatrices, as the result of encounters with wild boars during hunting expeditions, or when working in the sugar plantations. It is noted in the Bellary Gazetteer that "the only caste which goes in for manly sports seems to be the Boyas, or Bedars, as they are called in Canarese. They organise drives for pig, hunt bears in some parts in a fearless manner, and are regular attendants at the village gymnasium (garidi mane), a building without any ventilation often constructed partly underground, in which the ideal exercise consists in using dumbbells and clubs until a profuse perspiration follows. They get up wrestling matches, tie a band of straw round one leg, and challenge all and sundry to remove it, or back themselves to perform feats of strength, such as running up the steep Joladaras hill near Hospet with a bag of grain on their back."

At Hospet wrestling matches are held at a quiet spot outside the town, to witness which a crowd of many hundreds collect. The wrestlers, who performed before me, had the hair shaved clean behind so that the adversary could not seize them by the back hair, and the moustache was trimmed short for the same reason.

Two young wrestlers, whose measurements I place on record, were splendid specimens of youthful muscularity.

In the Gazetteer of Anantapur it is stated that the Telugu New Year's day is the great occasion for driving pig, and the Boyas are the chief organisers of the beats. All except children, the aged and infirm, join in them, and, since to have good sport is held to be the best of auguries for the coming year, the excitement aroused is almost ludicrous in its intensity. It runs so high that the parties from rival villages have been known to use their weapons upon one another, instead of upon the beasts of the chase.

In an article entitled "Boyas and bears" * a European sportsman gives the following graphic description of a bear hunt.

* Madras Mail, 1902.

"We used to sleep out on the top of one of the hills on a moonlight night. On the top of every hill round, a Boya was watching for the bears to come home at dawn, and frantic signals showed when one had been spotted. We hurried off to the place, to try and cut the bear off from his residence among the boulders, but the country was terribly rough, and the hills were covered with a peculiarly persistent wait-a-bit-thorn. This, however, did not baulk the Boyas. Telling me to wait outside the jumble of rocks, each man took off his turban, wound it round his left forearm, to act as a shield against attacks from the bear, lit a rude torch, grasped his long iron-headed spear, and coolly walked into the inky blackness of the enemy's stronghold, to turn him out for me to shoot at. I used to feel ashamed of the minor part assigned to me in the entertainment, and asked to be allowed to go inside with them. But this suggestion was always respectfully, but very firmly put aside. One could not see to shoot in such darkness, they explained, and, if one fired, smoke hung so long in the still air of the caves that the bear obtained an unpleasant advantage, and, finally, bullets fired at close quarters into naked rock were apt to splash or re-bound in an uncanny manner. So I had to wait outside until the bear appeared with a crowd of cheering and yelling Boyas after him."

Of a certain cunning bear the same writer records that, unable to shake the Boyas off, "he had at last taken refuge at the bottom of a sort of dark pit, ' four men deep ' as the Boyas put it, under a ledge of rock, where neither spears nor torches could reach him. Not to be beaten, three of the Boyas at length clambered down after him, and unable otherwise to get him to budge from under the mass of rock beneath which he had squeezed himself, fired a cheap little nickel-plated revolver one of them had brought twice into his face. The bear then concluded that his refuge was after all an unhealthy spot, rushed out, knocking one of the three men against the rocks as he did so, with a force which badly barked one shoulder, clambered out of the pit, and was thereafter kept straight by the Boyas until he got to the entrance of his residence, where I was waiting for him."

Mr. Mainwaring writes that "the Boyas are adepts at shikar (hunting). They use a bullock to stalk antelope, which they shoot with matchlocks. Some keep a tame buck, which they let loose in the vicinity of a herd of antelope, having previously fastened a net over his horns. As soon as the tame animal approaches the herd, the leading buck will come forward to investigate the intruder.

“The tame buck does not run away, as he probably would if he had been brought up from infancy to respect the authority of the buck of the herd. A fight naturally ensues, and the exchange of a few butts finds them fastened together by the net. It is then only necessary for the shikaris to rush up, and finish the strife with a knife."

Among other occupations, the Boyas and Bedars collect honey-combs, which, in some places, have to be gathered from crevices in overhanging rocks, which have to be skilfully manipulated from above or below. The Bedar men, whom I saw during the rainy season, wore a black woollen kambli (blanket) as a body-cloth, and it was also held over the head as a protection against the driving showers of the south-west monsoon. The same cloth further does duty as a basket for bringing back to the town heavy loads of grass. Some of the men wore a garment with the waist high up in the chest, something like an English rustic's smock frock.

Those who worked in the fields carried steel tweezers on a string round the loins, with which to remove babul (Acacia arabica) thorns, twigs of which tree are used as a protective hedge for fields under cultivation.

As examples of charms worn by men the following may be cited : —

String tied round right upper arm with metal talisman box attached to it, to drive away devils. String round ankle for the same purpose.

Quarter-anna rolled up in cotton cloth, and worn on upper arm in performance of a vow.

A man, who had dislocated his shoulder when a lad, had been tattooed with a figure of Hanuman (the monkey god) over the deltoid muscle to remove the pain. Necklet of coral and ivory beads worn as a vow to the Goddess Huligamma, whose shrine is in Hyderabad.

Necklets of ivory beads and a gold disc with the Vishnupad (feet of Vishnu) engraved on it. Purchased from a religious mendicant to bring good luck.

Myasa Bedar women are said * to be debarred from wearing toe-rings. Both Uru and Myasa women are tattooed on the face, and on the upper extremities with elaborate designs of cars, scorpions, centipedes, Sita's jade (plaited hair), Hanuman, parrots, etc.

* Mysore Census Report, 190 1.

Men are branded by the priest of a Hanuman shrine on the shoulders with the emblem of the chank shell (Turbinella rapa) and chakram (wheel of the law) in the belief that it enables them to go to Swarga (heaven). When a Myasa man is branded, he has to purchase a cylindrical basket called gopala made by a special Medara woman, a bamboo stick, fan, and winnow.

Female Bedars who are branded become Basavis (dedicated prostitutes), and are dedicated to a male deity, and called Gandu Basavioru (male Basavis). They are thus dedicated when there happens to be no male child in a family ; or, if a girl falls ill, a vow is made to the effect that, if she recovers, she shall become a Basavi.

If a son is born to such a woman, he is affiliated with her father's family. Some Bedar women, whose house deities are goddesses instead of gods, are not branded, but a string with white bone beads strung on it, and a gold disc with two feet (Vishnupad) impressed on it, is tied round their neck by a Kuruba woman called Pattantha Ellamma (priestess to Uligamma). Bedar girls, whose house deities are females, when they are dedicated as Basavis, have in like manner a necklace, but with black beads, tied round the neck, and are called Hennu Basavis (female Basavis).

For the ceremony of dedication to a female deity, the presence of the Madiga goddess Matangi is necessary. The Madigas bring a bent iron rod with a cup at one end, and twigs of Vitex Negundo to represent the goddess, to whom goats are sacrificed. The iron rod is set up in front of the doorway, a wick and oil are placed in the cup, and the impromptu lamp is lighted. Various cooked articles of food are offered, and partaken of by the assembled Bedars.

Bedar women sometimes live in concubinage with Muhammadans. And some Bedars, at the time of the Mohurram festival, wear a thread across the chest like Muhammadans, and may not enter their houses till they have washed themselves.

According to the Mysore Census Report, 1901, the chief deity of the Bedars is "Tirupati Venkataramanaswami worshipped locally under the name of Tirumaladevaru, but offerings and sacrifices are also made to Mariamma. Their guru is known as Tirumalatatacharya, who is also a head of the Srivaishnava Brahmans. The Uru Boyas employ Brahmans and Jangams as priests."

In addition to the deities mentioned, the Bedars worship a variety of minor gods, such as Kanimiraya, Kanakarayan, Uligamma, Palaya, Poleramma, and others, to whom offerings of fruits and vegetables, and sacrifices of sheep and goats are made. The Dewan of Sandur informs me that, in recent times, some Myasa Bedars have changed their faith, and are now Saivas, showing special reverence to Mahadeva. They were apparently converted by Jangams, but not to the fullest extent. The guru is the head of the Ujjani Lingayat matt (religious institution) in the Kudligi taluk of Bellary. They do not wear the lingam. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the patron deity of the Boyas is said to be Kanya Devudu.

Concerning the religion of the Boyas, Mr. Mainwaring writes as follows. “They worship both Siva and Vishnu, and also different gods in different localities. In the North Arcot district, they worship Tirupatiswami. In Kurnool, it is Kanya Devudu. In Cuddapah and Anantapur, it is Chendrugadu, and many, in Anantapur, worship Akkamma, who is believed to be the spirit of the seven virgins.

At Uravakonda, in the Anantapur district, on the summit of an enormous rock, is a temple dedicated to Akkamma, in which the seven virgins are represented by seven small golden pots or vessels. Cocoanuts, rice, and dal (Cajanus indicus) form the offerings of the Boyas. The women, on the occasion of the Nagalasauthi or snake festival, worship the Nagala swami by fasting, and pouring milk into the holes of 'white-ant' hills. By this, a double object is fulfilled. The 'ant' heap is a favourite dwelling of the naga or cobra, and it was the burial-place of Valmiki, so homage is paid to the two at the same time.

Once a year, a festival is celebrated in honour of the deceased ancestors. This generally takes place about the end of November. The Boyas make no use of Brahmans for religious purposes. They are only consulted as regards the auspicious hour at which to tie the tali at a wedding. Though the Boya finds little use for the Brahman, there are times when the latter needs the services of the Boya. The Boya cannot be dispensed with, if a Brahman wishes to perform Vontigadu, a ceremony by which he hopes to induce favourable auspices under which to celebrate a marriage.

The story has it that Vontigadu was a destitute Boya, who died from starvation. It is possible that Brahmans and Sudras hope in some way to ameliorate the sufferings of the race to which Vontigadu belonged, by feeding sumptuously his modern representative on the occasion of performing the Vontigadu ceremony. On the morning of the day on which the ceremony, for which favourable auspices are required, is performed, a Boya is invited to the house. He is given a present of gingelly (Sesamum) oil, wherewith to anoint himself. This done, he returns, carrying in his hand a dagger, on the point of which a lime has been stuck.

He is directed to the cowshed, and there given a good meal. After finishing the meal, he steals from the shed, and dashes out of the house, uttering a piercing yell, and waving his dagger. He on no account looks behind him. The inmates of the house follow for some distance, throwing water wherever he has trodden. By this means, all possible evil omens for the coming ceremony are done away with."

I gather * that some Boyas in the Bellary district "enjoy inam (rent free) lands for propitiating the village goddesses by a certain rite called bhuta bali. This takes place on the last day of the feast of the village goddess, and is intended to secure the prosperity of the village. The Boya priest gets himself shaved at about midnight, sacrifices a sheep or a buffalo, mixes its blood with rice, and distributes the rice thus prepared in small balls throughout the limits of the village. When he starts out on this business, the whole village bolts its doors, as it is not considered auspicious to see him then. He returns early in the morning to the temple of the goddess from which he started, bathes, and receives new cloths from the villagers."

* Madras Mail, 1905.

At Hospet the Bedars have two buildings called chavadis, built by subscription among members of their community, which they use as a meeting place, and whereat caste councils are held. At Sandur the Uru Bedars submit their disputes to their guru, a Srivaishnava Brahman, for settlement.

If a case ends in a verdict of guilty against an accused person, he is fined, and purified by the guru with thirtham (holy water). In the absence of the guru, a caste headman, called Kattaintivadu, sends a Dasari, who may or may not be a Bedar, who holds office under the guru, to invite the castemen and the Samaya, who represents the guru in his absence, to attend a caste meeting. The Samayas are the pujaris at Hanuman and other shrines, and perform the branding ceremony, called chakrankitam.

The Myasa Bedars have no guru, but, instead of him, pujaris belonging to their own caste, who are in charge of the affairs of certain groups of families. Their caste messenger is called Dalavai. The following are examples of exogamous septs among the Boyas, recorded by Mr. Mainwaring :

Many of these septs are common to tlie Boyas and other classes, as shown by the following list :

Avula, cow—Korava.

Boggula, charcoal—Devanga.

Cheruku, sugar-cane—Jogi, Odde.

Chevvula, ear—Golla.

Chilakala, paroquet—Kapu, Yanadi.

Chimala, ants—Tsakala.

Chinthakayala, tamarind fruit—Devanga,

Dandu, army—Kapu.

Eddula, bulls—Kapu.

Gandhapodi, sandal powder—a sub-division of Balija.

Geddam, beard—Padma Sale.

Gudisa, hut—Kapu.

Guvvala, pigeon—Mutracha.

Jinkala, gazelle—Padma Sale.

Kukkala, dog—Orugunta Kapu.

Lanka, island—Kamma,

Mekala, goat—Chenchu, Golla, Kamma, Kapu, Togata,Yanadi.

Midathala, locust—Madiga.

Nakkala, jackal—Dudala, Golla, Mutracha.

Nemili, peacock—Balija.

Pichiga, sparrow—Devanga.

Pandhi, pig—Asili, Gamalla.

Pasula, cattle—Madiga, Mala.

Puchakaya, colocynth—Komati, Viramushti.

Pula, flowers—Padma Sale, Yerukala.

Tota, garden—Chenchu, Mlla, Mutracha, Bonthuk Savara.

Udumala, lizard—Kapu, Tottiyan, Yanadi.

Ulligadda, onions—Korava.

Uiuvala, horse-gram—Jogi.

Utla, swing for holding pots—Padma Sale.

At Hospet, the preliminaries of a marriage among the Myasa Bedars are arranged by the parents of the parties concerned and the chief men of the keri (street). On the wedding day, the bride and bridegroom sit on a raised platform, and five married men place rice stained with turmeric on the feet, knees, shoulders, and head of the bridegroom. This is done three times, and five married women then perform a similar ceremony on the bride. The bridegroom takes up the tali, and, with the sanction of the assembled Bedars, ties it on the bride's neck.

In some places it is handed to a Brahman priest, who ties it instead of the bridegroom. The unanimous consent of those present is necessary before the tali-tying is proceeded with. The marriage ceremony among the Uru Bedars is generally performed at the bride's house, whither the bridegroom and his party proceed on the eve of the wedding. A feast, called thuppathuta or ghi (clarified butter) feast, is held, towards which the bridegroom's parents contribute rice, cocoanuts, betel leaves and nuts, and make a present of five bodices (ravike).

At the conclusion of the feast, all assemble beneath the marriage pandal (booth), and betel is distributed in a recognised order of precedence, commencing with the guru and the god. On the following morning four big pots, smeared with turmeric and chunam (lime) are placed in four corners, so as to have a square space (irani square) between them. Nine turns of cotton thread are wound round the pots. Within the square the bridegroom and two young girls seat themselves. Rice is thrown over them, and they are anointed. They and the bride are then washed by five women called bhumathoru.

The bridegroom and one of the girls are carried in procession to the temple, followed by the five women, one of whom carries a brass vessel with five betel leaves and a ball of sacred ashes (vibuthi) over its mouth, and another a woman's cloth on a metal dish, while the remaining three women and the bridegroom's parents throw rice. Cocoanuts and betel are offered to Hanuman, and lines are drawn on the face of the bridegroom with the sacred ashes. The party then return to the house. The lower half of a grinding mill is placed beneath the pandal, and a Brahman priest invites the contracting couple to stand thereon. He then takes the tali, and ties it on the bride's neck, after it has been touched by the bridegroom. Towards evening the newly married couple sit inside the house, and close to them is placed a big brass vessel containing a mixture of cooked rice, jaggery (crude sugar) and curds, which is brought by the women already referred to. They give a small quantity thereof to the couple, and go away.

Five Bedar men come near the vessel after removing their head-dress, surround the vessel, and place their left hands thereon. With their right hands they shovel the food into their mouths, and bolt it with all possible despatch. This ceremony is called bhuma idothu, or special eating, and is in some places performed by both men and women. All those present watch them eating, and, if any one chokes while devouring the food, or falls ill within a few months, it is believed to indicate that the bride has been guilty of irregular behaviour.

On the following day the contracting couple go through the streets, accompanied by Bedars, the brass vessel and female cloth, and red powder is scattered broadcast. On the morning of the third and two following days, the newly married couple sit on a pestle, and are anointed after rice has been showered over them. The bride's father presents his son-in-law with a turban, a silver ring, and a cloth.

It is said that a man may marry two sisters, provided that he marries the elder before the younger.

The following variant of the marriage ceremonies among the Boyas is given by Mr. Mainwaring. "When a Boya has a son who should be settled in life, he nominally goes in search of a bride for him, though it has probably been known for a long time who the boy is to marry. However, the formality is gone through. The father of the boy, on arrival at the home of the future bride, explains to her father the object of his visit. They discuss each other's families, and, if satisfied that a union would be beneficial to both families, the father of the girl asks his visitor to call again, on a day that is agreed to, with some of the village elders. On the appointed day, the father of the lad collects the elders of his village, and proceeds with them to the house of the bride-elect. He carries with him four moottus (sixteen seers) of rice, one seer of dhal (Cajamts indicus) two seers of ghi (clarified butter), some betel leaves and areca nuts, a seer of fried gram, two lumps of jaggery (molasses), five garlic bulbs, five dried dates, five pieces of turmeric, and a female jacket.

In the evening, the elders of both sides discuss the marriage, and, when it is agreed to, the purchase money has to be at once paid. The cost of a bride is always101 madas, or Rs. 202. Towards this sum, sixteen rupees are counted out, and the total is arrived at by counting areca nuts. The remaining nuts, and articles which were brought by the party of the bridegroom, are then placed on a brass tray, and presented to the bride-elect, who is requested to take three handfuls of nuts and the same quantity of betel leaves.

On some occasions, the betel leaves are omitted. Betel is then distributed to the assembled persons. The provisions which were brought are next handed over to the parents of the girl, in addition to two rupees. These are to enable her father to provide himself with a sheet, as well as to give a feast to all those who are present at the betrothal. This is done on the following morning, when both parties breakfast together, and separate.

The wedding is usually fixed for a day a fortnight or a month after the betrothal ceremony. The ceremony differs but slightly from that performed by various other castes. A purohit is consulted as to the auspicious hour at which the tali or bottu should be tied. This having been settled, the bridegroom goes, on the day fixed, to the bride's village, or sometimes the bride goes to the village of the bridegroom.

Supposing the bridegroom to be the visitor, the bride's party carries in procession the provisions which are to form the meal for the bridegroom's party, and this will be served on the first night. As the auspicious hour approaches, the bride's party leave her in the house, and go and fetch the bridegroom, who is brought in procession to the house of the bride.

On arrival, he is made to stand under the pandal which has been erected. A curtain is tied therein from north to south. The bridegroom then stands on the east of the curtain, and faces west. The bride is brought from the house, and placed on the west of the curtain, facing her future husband. The bridegroom then takes up the bottu, which is generally a black thread with a small gold bead upon it. He shows it to the assembled people, and asks permission to fasten it on the bride's neck. The permission is accorded with acclamations. He then fastens the bottu on the bride's neck, and she, in return, ties a thread from a black cumbly (blanket), on which a piece of turmeric has been threaded, round the right wrist of the bridegroom. After this, the bridegroom takes some seed, and places it in the bride's hand. He then puts some pepper-corns with the seed, and forms his hands into a cup over those of the bride. Her father then pours milk into his hand, and the bridegroom, holding it, swears to be faithful to his wife until death.

After he has taken the oath, he allows the milk to trickle through into the hands of the bride. She receives it, and lets it drop into a vessel placed on the ground between them. This is done three times, and the oath is repeated with each performance. Then the bride goes through the same ceremony, swearing on each occasion to be true to her husband until death. This done, both wipe their hands on some rice, which is placed close at hand on brass trays. In each of these trays there must be five seers of rice, five pieces of turmeric, five bulbs of garlic, a lump of jaggery, five areca nuts, and five dried dates.

When their hands are dry, the bridegroom takes as much of the rice as he can in his hands, and pours it over the bride's head. He does this three times, before submitting to a similar operation at the hands of the bride. Then each takes a tray, and upsets the contents over the other. At this stage, the curtain is removed, and, the pair standing side by side, their cloths are knotted together. The knot is called the knot of Brahma, and signifies that it is Brahma who has tied them together.

They now walk out of the pandal, and make obeisance to the sun by bowing, and placing their hands together before their breasts in the reverential position of prayer. Returning to the pandal, they go to one corner of it, where five new and gaudily painted earthenware pots filled with water have been previously arranged. Into one of these pots, one of the females present drops a gold nose ornament, or a man drops a ring. The bride and bridegroom put their right hands into the pot, and search for the article. Whichever first finds it takes it out, and, showing it, declares that he or she has found it.

This farce is repeated three times, and the couple then take their seats on a cumbly in the centre of the pandal, and await the preparation of the great feast which closes the ceremony. For this, two sheep are killed, and the friends and relations who have attended are given as much curry and rice as they can eat.

Next morning, the couple go to the bridegroom's village, or, if the wedding took place at his village, to that of the bride, and stay there three days before returning to the marriage pandal. Near the five water-pots already mentioned, some white-ant earth has been spread at the time of the wedding, and on this some paddy (unhusked rice) and dhal seeds have been scattered on the evening of the day on which the wedding commenced.

By the time the couple return, these seeds have sprouted. A procession is formed, and the seedlings, being gathered up by the newly married couple, are carried to the village well, into which they are thrown. This ends the marriage ceremony.

At their weddings, the Boyas indulge in much music. Their dresses are gaudy, and suitable to the occasion. The bridegroom, if he belongs to either of the superior gotras, carries a dagger or sword placed in his cummerbund (loin-band).

A song which is frequently sung at weddings is known as the song of the seven virgins. The presence of a Basavi at a wedding is looked on as a good omen for the bride, since a Basavi can never become a widow."

In some places, a branch of Ficus religiosa or Ficus bengalensis is planted in front of the house as the marriage milk -post. If it withers, it is thrown away, but, if it takes root, it is reared. By some Bedars a vessel is filled with milk, and into it a headman throws the nose ornament of a married woman, which is searched for by the bride and bridegroom three times. The milk is then poured into a pit, which is closed up.

In the North Arcot Manual it is stated that the Boya bride, "besides having a golden tali tied to her neck, has an iron ring fastened to her wrist with black string, and the bridegroom has the same. Widows may not remarry or wear black bangles, but they wear silver ones."

"Divorce," Mr. Mainwaring writes, "is permitted. Grounds for divorce would be adultery and ill-treatment. The case would be decided by a panchayat (council). A divorced woman is treated as a widow. The remarriage of widows is not permitted, but there is nothing to prevent a widow keeping house for a man, and begetting children by him. The couple would announce their intention of living together by giving a feast to the caste. If this formality was omitted, they would be regarded as outcastes till it was complied with. The offspring of such unions are considered illegitimate, and they are not taken or given in marriage to legitimate children.

Here we come to further social distinctions. Owing to promiscuous unions, the following- classes spring into existence:

1. Swajathee Sumpradayam. Pure Boyas, the offspring of parents who have been properly married in the proper divisions and sub-divisions.

2. Koodakonna Sumpradayam, The offspring of a Boya female, who is separated or divorced from her husband who is still alive, and who cohabits with another Boya.

3. Vithunthu Sumpradayam. The offspring of a Boya widow by a Boya.

4. Arsumpradayam. The offspring of a Boya man or woman, resulting from cohabitation with a member of some other caste.

The Swajathee Sumpradayam should only marry among themselves. Koodakonna Sumpradayam and Vithunthu Sumpradayam may marry among themselves, or with each other. Both being considered illegitimate, they cannot marry Swajathee Sumpradayam, and would not marry Arsumpradayam, as these are not true Boyas, and are nominally outcastes, who must marry among themselves."

On the occasion of a death among the Uru Bedars of Hospet, the corpse is carried on a bier by Uru Bedars to the burial-ground, with a new cloth thrown over, and flowers strewn thereon. The sons of the deceased each place a quarter-anna in the mouth of the corpse, and pour water near the grave. After it has been laid therein, all the agnates throw earth into it, and it is filled in and covered over with a mound, on to the head end of which five quarter-anna pieces are thrown. The eldest son, or a near relation, takes up a pot filled with water, and stands at the head of the grave, facing west. A hole is made in the pot, and, after going thrice round the grave, he throws away the pot behind him, and goes home without looking back. This ceremony is called thelagolu, and, if a person dies without any heir, the individual who performs it succeeds to such property as there may be.

On the third day the mound is smoothed down, and three stones are placed over the head, abdomen, and legs of the corpse, and whitewashed. A woman brings some luxuries in the way of food, which are mixed up in a winnowing tray divided into three portions, and placed in the front of the stones for crows to partake of Kites and other anim.als are driven away, if they attempt to steal the food.

On the ninth day, the divasa (the day) ceremony is performed. At the spot where the deceased died is placed a decorated brass vessel representing the soul of the departed, with five betel leaves and a ball of sacred ashes over its mouth. Close to it a lamp is placed, and a sheep is killed. Two or three days afterwards, rice and vegetables are cooked.

Those who have been branded carry their gods, represented by the cylindrical bamboo basket and stick already referred to, to a stream, wash them therein, and do worship. On their return home, the food is offered to their gods, and served first to the Dasari, and then to the others, who must not eat till they have received permission from the Dasari.

When a Myasa Bedar, who has been branded, dies his basket and stick are thrown into the grave with the corpse.

In the Mysore Census Report, 1891, the Mysore Bedars are said to cremate the dead, and on the following day to scatter the ashes on five tangedu (Cassia auriculata) trees.

It is noted by Buchanan * that the spirits of Baydaru men who die without having married become Virika (heroes), and to their memory have small temples and images erected, where offerings of cloth, rice, and the like, are made to their names. If this be neglected, they appear in dreams, and threaten those who are forgetful of their duly.

* Op. cit.

These temples consist of a heap or cairn of stones, in which the roof of a small cavity is supported by two or three flags ; and the image is a rude shapeless stone, which is occasionally oiled, as in this country all other images are."

Bedar.—See Vedan.

Begara.—Begara or Byagara is said to be a synonym applied by Canarese Lingayats to Holeyas.

Behara.—Recorded, at times of census, as a title of various Oriya castes, e.g., Alia, Aruva, Dhobi, Gaudo, Jaggali, Kevuto, Kurumo, Ronguni, and Sondi. In some cases, e.g., among the Rongunis, the title is practically an exogamous sept. The headman of many Oriya castes is called Behara.

Bejjo.—A sub-division of Bhondari, and title of Kevuto.

Belata (Feronia elephantum : wood-apple).—An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Bellapu (jaggery : palm-sugar).—An exogamous sept of Boya.

Bellara.—"The Bellaras, or Belleras," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,* "are a somewhat higher caste of basket and mat-makers than the Parava umbrella-makers and devil-dancers. They speak a dialect of Canarese (see South Canara Manual, Vol. II). They follow the aliya santana law (inheritance in the female line), but divorce is not so easy as amongst most adherents of that rule of inheritance, and divorced women, it is said, may not marry again. Widows, however, may remarry. The dead are either burned or buried, and a feast called Yede is given annually in the name of deceased ancestors. The use of alcohol and flesh, except beef, is permitted. They make both grass and bamboo mats."

* Manual of the South Canara district.

Bellathannaya (jaggery : crude sugar).—An exogamous sept of Bant.

Belle (white).—An exogamous sept of Kuruba. The equivalent bile occurs as a gotra of Kurni.

Belli.—Belli or Velli, meaning silver, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of Badaga, Korava, Kuruba, Madiga, Okkiliyan, Toreya, and Vakkaliga. The Belli Toreyas may not wear silver toe-rings.

Vellikkai, or silver-handed, has been returned as a sub-division of the Konga Vellalas.

Belu (Feronia elephentum).—An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Benayito.—A sub-division of Odiya.

Bende (Hibiscus esculenlus).—An exogamous sept of Kuruba. The mucilaginous fruit (bendekai or bandicoy) of this plant is a favourite vegetable of both Natives and Europeans. The nick-name Bendekai is sometimes given, in reference to the sticky nature of the fruit, to those who try to smooth matters over between contending parties.

Bengri (frog).—A sept of Domb.

Benia.—A small caste of Oriya cultivators and palanquin-bearers in Ganjam. It is on record* that in Ganjam honey and wax are collected by the Konds and Benias, who are expert climbers of precipitous rocks and lofty trees. The name is said to be derived from bena, grass, as the occupation of the caste was formerly to remove grass, and clear land for cultivation.

* Agricultural Ledger Series, Calcutta, No. 7, 1904.

Benise (flint stone).—An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Benne (butter).—A gotra of Kurni.

Bepari.—Bepari is, in the Madras Census Report, described as "a caste allied to the Lambadis. Its members worship a female deity called Banjara, speak the Bepari or Lambadi language, and claim to be Kshatriyas."

Bhonjo, the title of the Rajah of Gumsur, was returned as a sub-caste. The Rev. G. Gloyer* correctly makes the name Boipari synonymous with Brinjari, and his illustration of a Boipari family represents typical Lambadis or Brinjaris. Bepari and Boipari are forms of Vyapari or Vepari, meaning a trader.

* Jeypore. Breklum, 1901.

The Beparis are traders and carriers between the hills and plains in the Vizagapatam Agency tracts. Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao informs me that "they regard themselves as immune from the attacks of tigers, if they take certain precautions.

Most of them have to pass through places infested with these beasts, and their favourite method of keeping them off is as follows. As soon as they encamp at a place, they level a square bit of ground, and light fires in the middle of it, round which they pass the night. It is their firm belief that the tiger will not enter the square, from fear lest it should become blind, and eventually be shot.

I was once travelling towards Malkangiri from Jeypore, when I fell in with a party of these people encamped in the manner described. At that time, several villages about Malkangiri were being ravaged by a notorious man-eater (tiger)."

Beralakoduva (finger-giving).—A section of the Vakkaligas, among whom the custom of sacrificing some of the fingers used to prevail. (See Morasu.)

Beri Chetti.—The Beri Chettis, or principal merchants, like other Chettis and Komatis, claim to Vaisyas, "but they will not admit that the Komatis are on a par with them, and declare that they alone represent the true Vaisya stock."*

* Manual of the North Arcot district.

With regard to their origin, the Kanyakapurana states that a certain king wanted to marry a beautiful maiden of the Komati caste. When the Komatis declined to agree to the match, the king began to persecute them, and those Komatis who left the country out of fear were called Beri or Bediri (fear) Chettis.

The story is in fact, similar to that told by the Nattukottai Chettis, and the legend, no doubt, refers to persecution of some king, whose extortion went beyond the limits of custom. Another derivation of the word Beri is from perumai, greatness or splendour.

The name Beri, as applied to a sub-division of the Komatis, is said to be a corruption of bedari, and to denote those who fled through fear, and did not enter the fire-pits with the caste goddess Kanyakamma.

The legend of the Beri Chettis, as given by Mr. H. A. Stuart,* states that "Kaveripuram near Kumbakonam was formerly the town in which the caste principally resided. The king of the country attempted to obtain a Beri Chetti maiden in marriage, but was refused, and he therefore persecuted them, and drove them out of his dominions, forbidding- interchange of meals between them and any other caste whatever—a prohibition which is still in force."

* Manual of the North Arcot district.

The Beri Chettis have a number of endogamous divisions, named after geographical areas, towns, etc., such as Tirutaniyar, Acharapakaththar, Telungu, Pakkam, Musalpakam. Among these there is an order of social precedence, some of the divisions inter-dining, others not.

The Beri Chettis are, like the Kammalans (artisan class), a leading caste of the left-hand section, and the following story is narrated. While the Beris were living at Kaveripuram in a thousand houses, each house bearing a distinct gotra (house name,) a king, who took wives from among all castes, wanted the Beris to give him one of their maidens. Though unwilling, they promised to do so, but made up their minds to get over the difficulty by a ruse. On the day fixed for the marriage, all the Beri families left the place, after a male black dog had been tied to the milk-post of the marriage pandal (booth). When he learnt what had occurred, the king was very angry, and forbade all castes to take water from the Beris. And this led to their joining the left-hand section.

The Beri Chettis resort to the panchayat system of administration of affairs affecting the caste, and the headman, called Peridanakkaran, is assisted by a barber of the left-hand section. They are in favour of infant marriages, though adult marriage is not prohibited. They are not allowed to tie plantain trees to the posts of the wedding pandal, with the trees touching the ground. If this is done, the Paraiyans, who belong to the right-hand section, cut them down. This custom is still observed in some out-of-the way villages.

Upanayanam, or investiture with the sacred thread, is either performed long before marriage, or by some along with the marriage rite. A man or boy, after investiture, always wears the thread.

Most of the Beri Chettis are meat-eaters, but some profess to be vegetarians. It is said that there is much dispute between the Beri Chettis and the Komatis regarding their relative positions, and each caste delights to tell stories to the detriment of the other.

In general estimation, however, the Beris are deemed a little inferior to the Komatis." *

* Madras Census Report, 1891.

The claim of the Beri Chettis to be Vaisyas is based on the following legend, as given by Mr. Stuart,* "In the time of the Cholas, they erected a water-pandal, and Komatis claimed the right to use it, which was at once denied. The king attempted to solve the question by reference to inscriptions in the Kamakshiamma temple at Conjeeveram, but without success. He then proposed that the rivals should submit to the ordeal of carrying water in an unbaked pot. This was agreed to, and the Beri Chettis were alone successful. The penalty for failure was a fine of Rs. 12,000, which the Komatis could not pay, and they were therefore obliged to enslave themselves to a Beri Chetti woman, who paid the fine. Their descendants are still marked men, who depend upon Beri Chettis for their subsistence. The great body of the Komatis in the country were not parties to the agreement, and they do not now admit that their inferiority has ever been proved."

* Op. cit.

According to another version of the legend, during the reign of the Cholas, a water-pandal was erected by the Beris, and the Komatis claimed the right to use it. This was refused on the ground that they were not Vaisyas. The question at issue was referred to the king, who promised to enquire into it, but did not do so. A Viramushti (caste beggar of the Beri Chettis and Komatis) killed the king's horse and elephant. When questioned as to his reason for so doing, he explained that it was to call the king's attention to the dispute, and restored the animals to life. The king then referred both parties to Conjeeveram, where a sasanam (copper-plate grant) was believed to exist.

To procure this document, the decapitation of twelve human beings was necessary, and the Viramushti sacrificed his twelve children. According to the document, the Beris were Vaisyas, and the Komatis were ordered to be beheaded. But some Beris interceded on their behalf, and they were pardoned on condition that they would pay a sum of money. To secure the necessary money, they became slaves to a rich Beri woman. Ever since this incident, the Komatis have been the children of the Beris, and their descendants are called Pillaipuntha Komati, or Komati who became a son.

For the services which he rendered, the Viramushti is said to have been presented with a sasanam, and he is treated as a son by the caste men, among whom he has some influence. For example, the Beri Chettis may not plant in their back-yards Moringa pterygosperma, Dolichos Lablab, or a red variety of Amarantus. If the Viramushti found the first of these planted, he would destroy it, and demand a fine of three fanams.

For Dolichos the fine is six fanams, and for Amarantus one fanam. The rearing of pigs, goats, and fowls by the Beri Chettis is forbidden under penalty of a fine. If a Beri Chetti woman carries a water-pot on her head, the Viramushti will throw it down, and demand a fine of twelve fanams.

The women are not allowed to carry on sales at a public fair, under penalty of excommunication. The Beri Chettis and Komatis should not do business together.

The Kammalans and Chettis are regarded as friends, and there is a Tamil proverb "Settiyum Kammalanum onnu," i.e., the Chetti and Kammalan are one. In this connection the following legend is quoted.

“In the town of Kanda, anciently the Camalas (artificers of five sorts) lived closely united together, and were employed by all ranks of men, as there were no artificers besides them. They feared and respected no king, which offended certain kings, who combined against them, taking with them all kinds of arms. But, as the fort (Kanda Kottai, or magnetic fort), in which the Camalar lived, was entirely constructed of loadstone, this attracted, and drew the weapons away from the hands of the assailants. The kings then promised a great reward to anyone who should burn down the fort. No one dared to do this. At length the courtesans of a temple engaged to effect it, and took the pledge of betel and areca, engaging thereby to do so. The kings, greatly rejoicing, built a fort opposite, filled with such kind of courtesans, who, by their singing, attracted the people from the fort, and led to intercourse.

One of these at length succeeded in extracting from a young man the secret, that, if the fort was surrounded with varacu straw, set on fire, it might be destroyed. The king accordingly had this done, and, in the burning down of the fort, many of the Camalar lost their lives.

Some took to ships belonging to them, and escaped by sea. In consequence, there were no artificers in that country. Those taken in the act of endeavouring to escape were beheaded. One woman of the tribe, being pregnant, took refuge in the house of a Chetti, and escaped, passing for his daughter. From a want of artificers, who made implements for weavers, husbandmen, and the like, manufactures and agriculture ceased, and great discontent arose in the country.

The king, being of clever wit, resorted to a device to discover if any of the tribe remained, to remedy the evil complained of. This was to send a piece of coral, having a fine tortuous aperture running through it, and a piece of thread, to all parts of the country, with promise of great reward to any one who should succeed in passing the thread through the coral. None could accomplish it. At length the child that had been born in the Chetty's house undertook to do it ; and, to effect it, he placed the coral over the mouth of an ant-hole, and having steeped the thread in sugar, placed it at some little distance. The ants took the thread, and drew it through the coral. The king, seeing the difficulty overcome, gave great presents, and sent much work to be done, which that child, under the council and guidance of its mother, performed.

The king sent for the Chetty, and demanded an account of this young man, which the Chetty detailed. The king had him plentifully supplied with the means especially of making ploughshares, and, having married him to the daughter of a Chetty, gave him grants of land for his maintenance. He had five sons, who followed the five different branches of work of the Camalar tribe. The king gave them the title of Panchalar.

Down to the present day there is an intimate relation between these five branches, and they intermarry with each other ; while, as descendants of the Chetty tribe, they wear the punul, or caste-thread of that tribe." *

* Taylor. Catalogue Raisonne of Oriental Manuscripts.

The Acharapakam Chettis are known as Malighe Chettis, and are connected with the Chettis of this legend. Even now, in the city of Madras, when the Beri Chettis assemble for the transaction of caste business, the notice summoning the meeting excludes the Malighe Chettis, who cannot, like other Beri Chettis, vote at elections, meetings, etc., of the Kandasami temple.

Some Beri Chettis, Mr. Stuart writes, "worship Siva, and some Vishnu, and a few are Lingayats, who do not marry into families with a different worship. They bury, while the others burn their dead. All the divisions wear the sacred thread, and do not tolerate widow remarriage. Unlike Komatis, their daughters are sometimes married after puberty."

Berike.-—The children of a Boya widow by a man of her own caste, with whom she lives, are said * to drift into a distinct section called Berike.

* Madras Census Report, 1901.

Bestha.—The Besthas are summed up, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, as "a Telugu caste, the hereditary occupation of which is hunting and fishing, but they have largely taken to agriculture, and the professions of bearers and cooks."

In the Census Report, 1901, it is stated that "the fisherman caste in the Deccan districts are called Besthas and Kabberas, while those in some parts of the Coimbatore and Salem districts style themselves Toreyar, Siviyar, and Parivarattar. These three last speak Canarese like the Kabberas, and seem to be the same as Besthas or Kabberas.

Kabbera and Toreya have, however, been treated as distinct castes. There are two endogamous sub-divisions in the Bestha caste, namely the Telaga and the Parigirti. Some say that the Kabbili or Kabberavandlu are a third.

The Parigirti section trace their descent from Sutudu, the famous expounder of the Mahabharata.

Besthas employ Brahmans and Satanis (or Jangams, if Saivites) for their domestic ceremonies, and imitate the Brahman customs, prohibiting widow remarriage, and worshipping Siva and Vishnu as well as the village deities.

The Maddi sub-caste is said to be called so, because they dye cotton with the bark of the maddi tree (Morinda citrifolia)!' It is suggested, in the Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that the Besthas are really a sub-division of the Gangimakkalu Kabberas, who were originally palanquin-bearers, but, now that these vehicles have gone out of fashion, are employed in divers other ways.

It may be noted that the Siviyars of Coimbatore say that they are Besthas who emigrated from Mysore in the troublous times of the Muhammadan usurpation. The name Siviyar, they say, was given to them by the Tamils, as, being strong and poor, they were palanquin-bearers to officers on circuit and others in the pre-railway days. Their main occupations at the present day are tank and river fishing.

In the Manual of the North Arcot district, it is noted that many Besthas “trade, and are in a flourishing condition, being most numerous above the ghats. The name Bestha appears to have no meaning, but they call themselves Sutakulam, and say they are descendants of the rishi Suta Mahamuni. The term Suta also applies to the offspring of a Kshatriya by a Brahman, but it seems more probable that the Besthas gained the name from their superiority in the culinary art, suta also meaning cook.

They are divided into Telugu Besthas and Parigirti Besthas, the difference between them being chiefly one of religious observance, the former being in the habit of getting themselves branded on the shoulders with the Vaishnavite emblems—chank and chakram — and the latter never undergoing this ceremony. It is a rule with them to employ Dasaris as the messengers of a death, and Tsakalas, as those of a birth, or of the fact that a girl has reached womanhood.

Their chief object of worship is Hanuman, the monkey god, a picture or figure of whom they always have in their houses for domestic worship."

In connection with the names Parigirti or Pakirithi which have been recorded as divisions of the Besthas, it may be observed that, in some parts of the Telugu country, the term Pakirithi is used as a substitute for Vaishnava. This word has become converted into Parigirti or Parikithi, denoting that the Besthas are Vaishnavites, as opposed to Saivites.

Some Besthas, when questioned as to the origin of their caste, said that they had no purandam to help them. The word used by them is a corruption of puranam.

The Besthas are summed up, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, as "fishermen, boatmen, and palanquin-bearers, who are known by different names according to the localities they live in. In the eastern districts they are called Bestha, in the southern Toraya, Ambiga and Parivara (boatmen), while in the western parts their names are Kabyara and Gangemakkalu.

“The Telugu-speaking population call themselves Boyis. Their chief occupations are fishing, palanquin-bearing, and lime-burning. Some of them are employed by Government as peons (orderlies), etc., while a large number are engaged in agricultural pursuits. The Boyis obey a headman called the Pedda (big) Boyi.

“The Toraya does not intermarry either with the Kabyara or the Boyi, whom he resembles in every way. The Kabyara or Karnatic Besthas proper never carry the palanquin, but live by either farming or lime-burning. They have a headman known as the Yajaman."

I have often seen Besthas in Mysore fishing on tanks from rafts, with floats made of cane or cork-wood supporting their fish-baskets. The Besthas use small cast-nets, and it is thought by them that the employment of drag-nets worked by several men would bring bad luck to them. When a new net is used for the first time, the first fish which is caught is cut, and the net smeared with its blood. One of the meshes of the net is burnt, after incense has been thrown into the fire.

If a snake becomes entangled in a net when it is first used, it is rejected, and burnt or otherwise disposed of. The tribal deity of the Telugu Besthas is Kamamma, and, when this goddess is worshipped, Mala Pambalas are engaged to recite the legendary story relating to her. They never offer the flesh of animals or liquor to the goddess. Like other Telugu castes, the Besthas have intiperulu or exogamous septs and gotras.

In connection with some of the latter, certain prohibitions are observed. For example, the jasmine plant (malle) may not be touched by members of the malle gotra, and the ippa tree (Bassia latifolia) may not be touched or used by members of the Ippala gotra.

Writing at the beginning of the last century, Buchanan* informs us that "everywhere in Karnata the palanquin-bearers are of Telinga descent. In the language of Karnata they are called Teliga Besthas, but in their own dialect they are called Bai. Their proper occupations, beside that of carrying the palanquin, are fishing, and distillation of rum. Wealthy men among them become farmers, but none of the caste hire themselves out as farm servants. Their hereditary chiefs are called Pedde Bui, which, among the Europeans of Madras, is bestowed on the headman of every gentleman's set."

* Journey from Madras through Mysore, Canara and Malabar,

In a note on the Bestha Boyis, or fishermen bearers of Masulipatam in the days of the East India Company, Mr. H. G. Prendergast writes* that they were "found to be peculiarly trustworthy servants. When their English masters went on promotion to Madras, they were accompanied by their trusty Boyis, and, from that day to this, Bestha Boyis have been employed as attendants in public and mercantile offices in Madras, and have continued to maintain their good reputation."

* Ind. Ant. XVIII, 1889.

Of the use of the word Boy (a corruption of Boyi) for palanquin-bearer, numerous examples are quoted by Yule and Burnell*.

* Hobson-Jobson.

Thus Carraccioli, in his life of Lord Clive, records that, in 1785, the Boys with Colonel Lawrence's palankeen, having struggled a little out of the time of march, were picked up by the Marattas. Writing in 1563, Barras states* that "there are men who carry the umbrella so dexterously to ward off the sun that, although their master trots on his horse, the sun docs not touch any part of his body and such men are called Boi."

* Decadas de Asia.

The insigne of the Besthas, as recorded at Conjeeveram, is a net.*

* J. S. F. Mackenzie, Ind. Ant. IV, 1875.

Besya (a prostitute).—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a sub-caste of Oriya Gunis. It is a form of the word Vesya.

Betta (hill).—A sub-division of Kurumba.

Bevina.—Bevina or Beva (nim or margosa : Melia Azadirachta) has been recorded as an exogamous sept of Kuruba, and a sub-division of Kadu Kurumba. The nim tree is held sacred by Hindus, and takes an important part in many of the ceremonials connected with the small-pox goddess and other village deities.

Bhag (tiger).—A sept of numerous classes in Vizagapatam, e.g., Bhumia, Bottada, Domb, Gadaba, Mattiya, Omanaito, Pentiya, and Rona. The equivalent Bhago occurs among some classes in Ganjam.

Bhagavatulu.—Recorded as play-actors in the Telugu country. Their name is derived from the fact that they perform stories and episodes from the Bhagavatam, one of the Puranas.

Bhakta.—See Bagata.

Bhandari.—See Kelasi.

Bhande.---Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "a class of potters in the Ganjam Maliahs, a sub-division of Kumbharo. The name is derived from the Sanskrit bhanda, a pot."

Bharadwaja.—A Brahmanical gotra of Bhatrazus. Bharadwaja was a rishi, the son of Brihaspati, and preceptor of the Pandavas.

Bhatia. — Nearly four hundred members of this caste were returned at the Madras Census, 1901. It is recorded in the Bombay Gazetteer, that "the Bhatias claim to be Bhati Rajputs of the Yadav stock. As a class they are keen, vigorous, enterprising, thrifty, subtle and unscrupulous. Some of the richest men in Bombay started life without a penny. A large number of Bhatias are merchant traders and brokers, and within the last fifty years they have become a very wealthy and important class."

Like the Nattukottai Chettis of Southern India, the Bhatias undertake sea voyages to distant countries, and they are to be found eastward as far as China.

Bhatta.— A sub-division of Gaudo.

Bhatkali.—A class of Muhammadans on the west coast, who are said to have originally settled at Bhatkal in North Canara.

Bhatrazu.—The Bhats, Bhatrazus, or Bhatrajus are described, in the Mysore Census Reports, 1891 and 1901, as musicians and ballad-reciters, who "speak Telugu, and are supposed to have come from the Northern Circars. They were originally attached to the courts of the Hindu princes as bards or professional, reciting ballads in poetry in glorification of the wondrous deeds of local princes and heroes.

Hyder Ali, although not a Hindu, delighted to be constantly preceded by them, and they are still an appendage to the state of Hindu and Mussalman Chiefs. They have a wonderful faculty in speaking improvisatore, on any subject proposed to them, a declamation in measures, which may be considered as a sort of medium between blank verse and modulated verse. But their profession is that of chanting the exploits of former days in front of the troops while marshalling them for battle, and inciting them to emulate the glory of their ancestors. Now many of them are mendicants."

In the Madras Census Report, 1871, the Bhat Rajahs are said to "wear the pavitra or sacred thread. They are the bards and minstrels, who sing the praises of the Kshatriya race, or indeed of great men in general, and especially of those who liberally reward the singers. They are a wandering class, gaining a living by attaching themselves to the establishments of great men, or in chanting the folklore of the people. They are mostly Vishnu worshippers, and in only one district is it reported that they worship village deities."

In the Madras Census Report, 1891, the Bhatrazus are summed up as being "a class of professional bards, spread all over the Telugu districts. They are the representatives of the Bhat caste of other parts of India. They are called Razus, because they are supposed to be the offspring of a Kshatriya female by a Vaisya male. They are well-versed in folklore, and in the family histories and legends of the ancient Rajahs. Under the old Hindu Rajahs the Bhatrazus were employed as bards, eulogists, and reciters of family genealogy and tradition. Most of them are now cultivators, and only a few are ballad-reciters.

“They will eat with the Kapus and Velamas. Their ceremonies of birth, death and marriage arc more or less the same as those of the Kapus. Razu is the general name of the caste."

The Bhatrazus, Mr. W. Francis writes,* "are also called Bhats or Magadas. They have two endogamous sub-divisions, called Vandi, Raja or Telaganya, and Magada, Kani or Agraharekala. [Some Bhatrazus maintain that Vandi and Magada were individuals who officiated as heralds at the marriage of Siva.]

* Madras Census Report, 1901.

“Each of these is again split up into several exogamous septs or gotras, among which are Atreya, Bharadwaja, Gautama, Kasyapa and Kaundinya. All of these are Brahmanical gotras, which goes to confirm the story in Manu that the caste is the offspring of a Vaisya father and a Kshatriya mother. Bhatrazus nevertheless do not all wear the sacred thread now-a-days, or recite the gayatri*.

* Sanskrit hymn repeated a number of times during daily ablutions.

“They employ Brahman priests for their marriages, but Jangams and Satanis for funerals, and in all these ceremonies they follow the lower or Puranic instead of the higher Vedic ritual. Widow marriage is strictly forbidden, but yet they eat fish, mutton and pork, though not beef.

“These contradictions are, however, common among Oriya castes, and the tradition is that the Bhatrazus were a northern caste which was first invited south by King Pratapa Rudra of the Kshatriya dynasty of Warangal ( 1295-1323 A.D. ). After the downfall of that kingdom they seem to have become court bards and panegyrists under the Reddi and Velama feudal chiefs, who had by that time carved out for themselves small independent principalities in the Telugu country. As a class they were fairly educated in the Telugu literature, and even produced poets such as Ramaraja Bhushana, the author of the well-known Vasu-Charitram.

“Their usual, title is Bhat, sometimes with the affix Razu or Murti."

Of the Bhatrazus in the North Arcot district, Mr. H. A. Stuart states* that "they now live by cultivation, and by singing the fabulous traditions current regarding the different Sudra castes at their marriages and other ceremonies, having probably invented most of them. They profess to be Kshatriyas. But it is known that several are Musalmans or members of other castes, who, possessing an aptitude for extempore versification, were taken by Rajahs to sing their praises, and so called themselves Bhatturazus. They resemble the Razus in their customs, but are said to bury their dead."

* Manual of the North Arcot district.

In the Gazetteer of Anantapur, the Bhatrazus are described as touring round the villages, making extempore verses in praise of the principal householders, and being rewarded by gifts of old clothes, grain, and money.

It is stated in the Kurnool Manual that "the high-caste people (Kammas) are bound to pay the Batrajulu certain fees on marriage occasions. Some of the Batrajas have shotriems and inams."

Shotriem is land given as a gift for proficiency in the Vedas or learning, and inam is land given free of rent.

In connection with the special attachment of the Bhatrazus to the Velama, Kamma, and Kapu castes, the following story is narrated. Once upon a time there was a man named Pillala Marri Bethala Reddi, who had three sons, of whom two took to cultivation. The third son adopted a military life, and had seventy-four sons, all of whom became commanders. On one occasion, during the reign of Pratapa Rudra, when they were staying at the fort of Warangal, they quarrelled among themselves, and became very rebellious. On learning this, the king summoned them to his court. He issued orders that a sword should be tied across the gate. The commanders were reluctant to go under a sword, as it would be a sign of humiliation. Some of them ran against the sword, and killed themselves. A Bhatrazu, who witnessed this, promised to help the remaining commanders to gain entrance without passing under the sword. He went to the king, and said that a Brahman wished to pay him a visit. An order was accordingly issued that the sword should be removed. The services of the Bhatrazu greatly pleased the commanders, and they came to regard the Bhatrazus as their dependants, and treated them with consideration. Even at the present day, at a marriage among the Kapus, Kammas, and Velamas, a Bhatrazu is engaged. His duties are to assist the bridegroom in his wedding toilette, to paint sectarian marks on his forehead, and to remain as his personal attendant throughout the marriage ceremonies. He further sings stanzas from the Ramayana or Mahabharata, and songs in praise of Brahmans and the caste to which the bridal couple belong. The following was sung at a Kapu wedding.

"Anna Vema Reddi piled up money like a mountain, and, with his brother Pinna Brahma Reddi, constructed agraharams. Gone Buddha Reddi spent large sums of money for the reading of the Ramayana, and heard it with much interest. Panta Malla Reddi caused several tanks to be dug. You, their descendants, are all prosperous, and very charitable."

In the houses of Kammas, the following is recited. "Of the seventy-seven sons, Bobbali Narasanna was a very brave man, and was told to go in search of the kamma (an ornament) without using abusive language. Those who ran away are Velamas, and those who secured it Kammas."

In their ceremonial observances, the Bhatrazus closely follow the standard Telugu type. At marriages, the bridal couple sit on the dais on a plank of juvvi (Ficus Tsiela) wood. They have the Telugu Janappans as their disciples, and are the only non- Brahman caste, except Jangams and Pandarams, which performs the duties of guru or religious instructor. The badge of the Bhatrazus at Conjeeveram is a silver stick.*

* J. S. F. Mackenzie, Ind. Ant. IV, 1875.

In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Bhato, Kani Razu, Kannaji Bhat and Padiga Raju appear as synonyms, and Annaji Bhat as a sub-caste of Bhatrazus.

The following account of a criminal class, calling themselves Batturajas or Battu Turakas, was published in the Police Weekly Circular, Madras, in 1881.*

* See F. S. MuUaly. Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency.

"They are known to the Cuddapah and North Arcot Police as criminals, and a note is made whenever an adult leaves his village; but, as they commit their depredations far from home, and convert their spoil into hard cash before they return, it is difficult to get evidence against them. Ten or twelve of these leave home at once ; they usually work in parties of three or four, and they are frequently absent for months together. They have methods of communicating intelligence to their associates when separated from them, but the only one of these methods that is known is by means of their leaf plates, which they sew in a peculiar manner, and leave after use in certain places previously agreed upon. These leaf plates can be recognised by experts, but all that these experts can learn from them is that Battu Turakas have been the neighbourhood recently.

“On their return to their village, an account of their proceedings is rendered, and their spoil is divided equally among the whole community, a double share being, however, given to the actual thief or thieves. They usually disguise themselves as Brahmans, and, in the search of some of their houses lately, silk cloths worn only by Brahmans were found together with other articles necessary for the purpose (rudraksha necklaces, salagrama stones, etc.).

“They are also instructed in Sanskrit, and in all the outward requisites of Brahmanism. A Telugu Brahman would soon find out that they are not Brahmans, and it is on this account that they confine their depredations to the Tamil country, where allowance is made for them as rude uncivilized Telugus. They frequent choultries (travellers' resting-places), where their very respectable appearance disarms suspicion, and watch for opportunities of committing thefts, substituting their own bags or bundles (filled with rubbish) for those they carry oft."

To this account Mr. M. Paupa Rao Naidu adds* that "it is during festivals and feasts that they very often commit thefts of the jewels and cloths of persons bathing in the tanks. They are thus known as Kolamchuthi Papar, meaning that they are Brahmins that live by stealing around the tanks. Before the introduction of railways, their depredations were mostly confined to the choultries and tanks."

* History of Railway Thieves, Madras, 1904.

Concerning the Bhattu Turakas of the North Arcot district, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes* that "a few of this very intelligent and educated criminal class arc found in the north-west of the Chendragiri taluk, and in the north of Punganur. They are really Muhammadans, but never worship according to the rules of that religion, and know little about its tenets. They have no employment save cheating, and in this they are incomparably clever. They speak several languages with perfect fluency, have often studied Sanskrit, and are able to personate any caste. Having marked down a well-to-do householder, they take an opportunity of entering his service, and succeed at last in gaining his confidence. They then abuse it by absconding with what they can lay hands upon. They often take to false coining and forgery, pretend to know medicine, to have the power of making gold or precious stones, or of turning currency notes into others of higher value."

* Manual of the North Arcot district.