The Nayars who paid “no revenue to any one” were simply fragments of a government which had at one time levied this pattam throughout the province. The subdivision and re-subdivision of the authority of government were perfectly marvellous and probably unparalleled in the history of any country in the world. The great families—the Zamorin, Kolattiri, Walluvanad, Palghat, Kottayam, Kadattanad, Kurumbranad, etc.—were petty suzerains, each with numbers of vassals, more or less independent, and more or less fluctuating in numbers, who again were suzerains to still pettier chiefs, also more or less independent and more or less fluctuating in numbers. The subdivisions of authority did not cease till the lowest stratum of agricultural society was reached.

The society thus constituted was on a thoroughly sound basis, for the strongest men had opportunities of coming to the front (so to speak). The great bulk of the payers of the pattern were themselves Nayars the “eyes,” the “hands,” and the givers of orders as the Keralolpatti pithily expresses their state functions. These Nayars naturally attached themselves to the strongest individuals of their community, taking with them of course the pattam or authority share of the produce, which formed a substantial object of ambition to the pushing men of the community.

In this way numberless petty chieftains arose, and the great families waxed or waned just according as they were able to attract to their following larger or fewer numbers of these petty chieftains. “No revenue” was in one sense levied from the petty chiefs who thus flocked round the standards of the great families, for the petty chiefs themselves enjoyed the ancient land revenue assessment.

But in another sense land revenue was paid on every cultivated acre. The difficulty was to see and realise that this revenue was really what, in every other Indian province, has constituted the basis of the revenues of the province. But what the Joint Commissioners failed to see was no mystery to the people themselves. The influential Mappillas in particular told Mr. Jonathan Duncan that the Mysorean Government “had taken or absorbed” the customary payments formerly made by them to the janmis, i.e., the pads or men in authority.

This view was in every sense most natural ; the ancient government of divided authorities had been superseded by the organised rule first of the Mysoreans and afterwards of the Honourable Company, and what else could be expected than that the ancient government share of produce should go along with the authority.

The Joint Commissioners in express terms withdrew from the great families to whom they committed the revenue management of their ancient territories all authority except that of levying the land revenue but the “authority" and the land revenue collection had never before been so divorced from each other, for in Mysorean times even the land revenue was collected direct from the cultivators by Mysorean officials.

The result, of course, was that the petty chieftains, accustomed to independence, shook their swords or barred the doors of their defensible houses when the tax-gatherers came, and large balances of course accrued.

And again, such pressure as Mr. Duncan here brought to bear on the great families with a view to getting in their arrears of revenue was better calculated than anything else could have been to aggravate the very evil of which the Joint Commissioners had complained in their report1 to Government that “They (the Rajas) have (stimulated perhaps in some degree by the uncertainty as to their future situations) acted in their avidity to amass wealth, more as the scourges and plunderers than as the protectors of their respective little states.”

Freed by the presence of British troops from the restraints of having to consult the interests and feelings and prejudices of the petty chieftains who had formerly been their mainstays, the Rajas naturally enough perhaps, sought their own aggrandisement at the expense of their former subjects. About the only thing that can be said in favour of Mr. Duncan's drastic measures for getting in the land revenue is, and possibly this was intended by him, that it paved the way for speedily undoing the very work which he, as a joint Commissioner, had laboriously elaborated.

Towards the middle of December 1795 Mr. Stevens, Senior, resigned the Supravisorship and was succeeded by Mr. Handloy, and at the same time charges of corruption and bribery were brought before the Governor, Mr. Duncan, by the Zamorin against Messers. Stevens, Senior,1 J. Agnew,1 and Dewan Ayan Aya, a Palghat Brahman for extorting one lakh of rupees. The Bombay Government in January 1796, accordingly appointed a commission for special enquiry into these charges and some other minor matters. The commission consisted of three members, Messrs. Wilkinson, Simpson and Fell.

NOTEs: 1. These officers were prosecuted by His Majesty’s Attorney-General before the Court of King's Bench in London on charges of bribery and extortion. The trial began in 1801. They were found jointly guilty by a jury of having taken Rupees 85,000 from the Zamorin, and of having demanded larger sums. And on 18th June 1804 they were brought up before the Court for sentence. They were jointly condemned to the forfeiture of Rs. 85,000, the sum received from the Zamorin. Mr Stevens was fined £5,000 over and above the said amount and sentenced to two years imprisonment “from that time and until he shall have discharged the fine.’’ In consideration of Mr. Agnew’s impoverished condition no fine was imposed on him “but he was sentenced to a further imprisonment of two years from that time.”- Court of Directors' despatch of 31st August 1804, paras. 71-74.

The Principal Collector, on 18th May 1805, communicated the result of the trial to the Zamorin and in accordance with the orders received, thus addressed him : “You will have it perused to you with attention, and I have no doubt be fully satisfied that the principles upon which the English wish to govern their subjects in India are founded upon truth and justice, and are particularly sensitive of the comforts and happiness of the natives of India.” END OF NOTEs

Owing to this untoward state of affairs, added to disturbances in Chirakkal, Kottayam, etc., which will be presently related, and also to prevent the clashing of authority, the office of Supravisor was incorporated with the special commission, to which were appointed2 on 18th May 1790, Lieutenant-Colonel Dow and Mr. Rickards in lieu of Messrs. Simpson and Fell. Mr. Handley, the Supravisor, also became for a short time a member of the commission.

NOTEs: 2. Treaties, etc., ii. CXV. END OF NOTEs

The possessions taken from the Dutch were about the same time placed under a separate Commissioner, Mr. Hutchinson, the Anjengo Resident, who was soon after succeeded by Mr. Oliphant, and the Dutch inhabitants were allowed3 “for the present” the privilege of retaining the “exercise and operations of their laws, customs and usages.”

NOTEs: 3. Treaties, etc., ii. CXIV. END OF NOTEs

Shortly afterwards fresh accusations were brought against other public officials by the Kavalappara Nayar, the Palghat Achchan, and the Kurumbranad Raja - against an officer (subsequently acquitted) and against the late Supravisor, Mr. Handley, and Dewan Ayan Aya, Chicken Aya, Purba Panadurang and Ram Row of bribery and extortion of Rs. 62,000. Just about this time, too, a native cashkeeper, Kasinath Balajee Prabhu, robbed the Government treasury of Rs. 27,000, and some defalcations in the military chest likewise came to notice.

The troubles in Chirakkal, to which allusion has already been made, arose from the Raja making a demand on the Chulali Nambiar for an excessive sum (Rs. 16,000 per annum) for the district which this chieftain held in the wildest part of the Chirakkal country.

The Nambiar was one of those semi-independent chiefs who had formerly acknowledged a merely nominal suzerainty to the Kolattiri family. Reference1 has already been made to the traditional origin of this family, and it is certain that from a very remote period it had enjoyed a position of semi-independence, if not complete independence.

NOTEs: 1. Conf. p. 234. END OF NOTEs

When the Chirakkal Raja obtained a lease of the whole of the Kolattiri dominions, the opportunity was too good to be lost to bring this hitherto free district into subjection so the Raja made demands which he knew could not be complied with, and when asked to settle the balance due to him, he assigned as his reason that the Nambiar was in arrears with the sum due from his district.

Major Murray was ordered to visit the district, and in his report of 28th December 1795 after seeing the chief, he gave his opinion that the district was too highly assessed, that the Nambiar with his neighbours could raise among them 1000 men armed with English firelocks, and that the country was too wild - he described it, as indeed it still is at the present day, 'the strongest imaginable" for the purpose of guerilla warfare - to hold out any hopes of an easy subjection. He wound up by stating that the Raja on his part must concede, and that the Nambiar on the other should listen to reason.

The Raja, however, persisted in his assertion that the district was fairly assessed, and as the Nambiar had meanwhile allied himself with certain of the young Rajas of the Kolattiri family who were inclined to question the right of the Raja to the position he had acquired from the English, the Supravisor, after taking the orders from the Bombay Government, finally decided on 10th May 1796 to despatch a body of troops into the district under Major Murray to enforce the Raja's demands. The troops succeeded in driving the chieftain and his followers into the jungles, and Major Murray further succeeded in detaching from their alliance with the Nambiar the junior Rajas of the Kolattiri family who had taken refuge there.

The Nambiar on the 18th August then forwarded to the Commissioners a full statement of his claims, and particularly insisted on the excessiveness of the demand made against him by the Raja, and on the motives which had induced the Raja to misrepresent his actions to the Honourable Company with a view to acquiring the district for himself.

After some further negotiations the Northern Superintendent (Mr. Christopher Peile) finally adjusted the matters in dispute between them. The Raja was obliged to admit that his demand of Rs. 16,000 for the district was nearly Rs. 5,000 in excess of what it ought to have been, and on this basis the Superintendent on the 27th October effected a reconciliation between them and an adjustment of their accounts.

Unhappily for the peace of the province, matters were not so easily adjusted with the Palassi (Pyolty) Raja. In November 1795 his conduct, as already stated, seemed to Mr. Rickards to be “distinguished by a contempt for all authority”. He completely set aside the authority of his uncle of Kurumbranad, who had, at Mr. Stevens’ request, signed the quinquennial lease for the Kottayam districts. Again and again requests were made to the Supravisor for troops to bring the Palassi (Pychy) Raja into subjection, but for a time those requests were disregarded. Meanwhile, however, the revenue was more and more falling into arrears, until at last in April-May 1796 orders came from Bombay to get in the arrears ; and with this view to seize the person of the Raja and to bring him to trial for the murder of the three Mappillas.

The bulk of the troops were at this time absent at Colombo, but were daily expected back. Colonel Bowles, the Officer commanding the Province, formed on April 11th a plan for seizing the Raja. The Supravisor acquiesced in the plan, and on April 19th an attempt was made to put it into execution. In the early morning of that day 300 men of the 3rd battalion of native infantry, under Lieutenant James Gordon, marched from Tellicherry and surrounded the Raja’s fortified house at Palassi at daybreak. An entrance was forced, but the affair had been mismanaged and the Raja had four days previously gone to Mauattana in the jungles.

A quantity of treasure was found in the house, and a portion1 of it only, as afterwards appeared, was sent to Tellicherry. The troops remained at the place and a proclamation was issued that they had been sent to protect the inhabitants against the Raja’s oppression and violence.

NOTEs: 1. 301 gold mohurs, 2,568 Venetians, and 1 gubber. END OF NOTEs

The Raja resented the taking of his house and forwarded to the Supravisor a long list of articles said to have been in it. This list differed very materially from that prepared under Lieutenant Gordon’s orders. But, it, was afterwards proved that it was in some respects at least erroneous.

The Raja after this could not feel himself safe in the low country, so the next news received of him was that, accompanied by his family and principal people, he had in May 1796 “ascended the mountains and gone to the Ghaut Parayool in the Wynad country.”

In June he stopped the traffic on the Kuttiyadi Ghat, and the British military force was in like manner directed to stop all communication between the upper and lower country, but, not to pursue the Raja into Wynad. The military posts from which these operations were to be carried out were Manattam and Kuttiyadi. But the force at Colonel Dow’s disposal was insufficient for this service, and additional troops were requisitioned. The change to Wynad, especially during the rains, appears to have been severely felt by the Raja, and in the end of June Colonel Dow in whom (from old acquaintanceship at the siege of Tellicherry and subsequently) he appears to have placed much confidence, received at “ Corote-Angady,” in the Wynad, a penitential letter from him alluding to his “evil fate, which had compelled him to remove from his ancient abode to this strange habitation, and proposing to come in if pardoned and his property restored.

Colonel Dow on 3rd July acceded to his request and promised him “an act of oblivion.’’ The other Commissioners did not approve of this measure, and very pertinently remarked that Government had proceeded to violent measures with the Raja because lenient ones had been found ineffectual, and “if after going such lengths, we were to reinstate him without reserve merely because he petitions for forgiveness, either what has already been done was oppressive and unjust, or so doing must be the height of weakness and inconsistency.”

However, as Colonel Dow had made the promise they felt compelled to confirm it in so far as he felt himself bound, and until the orders of Government could be obtained. But, on the other side it might have been argued that failing to come to terms with him would have thrown him into the arms of Tippu, and the cause of his proceeding to Wynad at all was the secret and unsuccessful attempt to take him in his house at Palassi.

In pursuance of this arrangement the Northern Superintendent returned from Manattana, and the Raja was, under Colonel Dow’s orders, conducted to Palassi by Lieutenant Walker, and his property, except the treasure, was restored to him.

For his good behaviour pending the receipt, of the orders of Government, Colonel Dow further took security1 from the Kurumbranad Raja and four of the principal inhabitants of Kottayam, and in return Colonel Dow agreed2 to use his efforts to get back the Palassi house, which had been attached, and to have a thorough enquiry made into the alleged plunder of it by the troop, on condition that the Raja explained to the satisfaction of Government his conduct in putting the three Mappillas to death.

NOTEs: 1. Treaties, etc., ii. CXVII.

2. Treaties, etc., ii. CXVIII. END OF NOTEs

In due time the orders3 of the Bombay and Supreme Governments were received (July 25th, August, 16th, 23rd and 27th) approving of the Raja’s reinstatement “on account of the cowl4 granted to him by the Chief of Tellicherry” and likewise of Colonel Dow’s action in granting a pardon, indemnity and act of oblivion on the terms agreed to by the Colonel, and his “restoration to his district and property” was distinctly ordered.

NOTEs: 3.Treaties, etc., ii. CXXII.

4. Treaties, etc., i. XCV. END OF NOTEs

But these orders of Government were not communicated direct to the Palassi (Pychy) Raja. They were sent through the Raja of Kurumbranad, whose agents omitted both to communicate them to the Raj and to pay over to him the money taken at the sack of his house, which the Government had likewise ordered to be restored to him.

Moreover, the Kurumbranad Raja removed from the management of the Kottayam district an agent whom the Palassi Raja particularly wished to keep there. And this agent (Kaiteri Ambu) betook himself with some followers to Kanoth , where, it was reported, “they meditated tumult and commotion, and, working on the Pychy (Palassi) Raja’s leading passions, had enticed him to join them.”

The Northern Superintendent wished to have an interview with the Raja, but by that time (October 1796) he had “retired to the most impenetrable parts of the jungle.”

In short, the Raja felt himself deceived (as indeed he had been by his uncle and his agents), and feared that the Commissions, a majority of whom were determinedly set against him, would make another attempt to secure his person which might not be so unsuccessful as the last. Moreover, the Commissioners ought to have themselves carried out the orders regarding the “restoration to his districts and property” which both the Bombay and Supreme Governments had directed to be done.

Of course the result of his flight to the jungles was that the collections again fell into arrears. Meanwhile further orders (17th October 1796) of the Supreme Government had likewise been received at Bombay, and were to the effect that the Commissioners were to take possession of Wynad, which both Governments, after the very favourable terms accorded by them to the Palassi (Pychy) Raja, probably thought must now be in the Raja’s friendly hands.

The orders regarding “restoration to his districts and property” had, however, meanwhile reached the Raja, and in November the Northern Superintendent then for the first time (although the orders were dated so far back as the previous July and August) asked what the "doubtful” phrase meant, and reported that the Raja expected to get back all the property which he alleged had been lost at Palassi and to obtain besides the direct management of the Kottayam district.

The Commissioners also now (24th November 1796) very tardily asked the Government what the “doubtful phrase ” meant, and meanwhile took no steps to give effect to that portion of the orders which were clear, namely, to make the Kurumbranad Raja disgorge the intercepted treasure which should have been handed over by him long ago to the Palassi (Pyoby) Raja.

Troops had already some time previously been sent to Periah in Wynad to protect the ingathering of the cardamom crop, and in November-December 1796 another detachment was sent for the same purpose. This movement of troops appears to have excited the gravest suspicions in the Raja’s mind. On December 1st, however, he attended a meeting arranged with the Northern Superintendent, and then chiefly dwelt on his being kept out of the management of Kottayam, and particularly in being placed in an intolerable position of subjection under i.e. Kurumbranad Raja’s agent, one Palaya Vittil Chandu, who had faithlessly deserted from his own service.

He came to this meeting attended by 1,200 to 1,500 armed men. A week was spent by the Superintendent in endeavouring to bring about a reconciliation between the rival Rajas, but these well-meant efforts came to nothing owing to ‘ duplicity’ on the one side and “intolerable insolence” on the other. After this, matters rapidly went from bad to worse. News came that the Palassi (Pychy) Raja was in treaty with Tippu’s officers.

The pepper revenue of Kottayam, a most important item in the accounts, was in jeopardy owing to bands of armed men moving about the country. Troops were despatched to protect the Wynad passes and to act offensively if necessary. Dindimal was occupied as a central place for defending the Kottiyur and Nelliadi passes, and the Periah Ghat detachment was also strengthened. But the country was wild and covered with impenetrable forests and more troops were wanted for the service.

On December 16th, the Northern Superintendent came to the conclusion that the differences between the rival Rajas were irreconcilable, and suggested the issue of a proclamation to the people forbidding them to assemble to assist the Palassi (Pychy) Raja.

The Commissioners adopted this idea, and on 18th December drafted but did not at once publish a warning proclamation1 that “previous to proceeding to extremities” against the Raja they gave the people an opportunity of returning to their allegiance and if they did not seize it within fifteen days they were to be considered as “irreconcilable enemies of the Company’s Government, their lands and property will be immediately confiscated, never again to be restored, and the Raja and his friends2 pursued to their utter extirpation from the Company’s dominions.”

NOTEs: 1. Treaties, etc., ii. CXXXI.

2. (1) Parappanad Raja, (2) Kannavatt Shekaran Nambiar, (3) Kaitori Ambu, (4) Kaiteri Kamaran, (5) Kaiteri, Eman, (6) Elampullian Kunyan (7) Puttamvittil Rairu (8) Menon Kuran, (9) Shekara Variyar, (10) Puttulat Nayar, (11) Melodam Kanachan Nambiar holding Rs. 41,000 of janmam property and having in train 481 men. END OF NOTEs

And they wrote to the Raja direct, telling him in a phrase which he ironically commented on afterwards when the fulfilment of the threat had miscarried, that “not a sepoy shall rest in this province till you and all your adherents are utterly extirpated”.

The Commissioners evidently lost their temper over this proclamation and the chief moving cause appears to have been that the pepper crop and the revenue dependent thereon were in danger of being lost through the disturbances created by the rebels.

Moved by those threats, the Palassi (Pychy) Raja then openly visited Tippu’s Killidar at Karkankotta.

But as a last resource another meeting was arranged at Nittur between him and the President of the Commissioners and Northern Superintendent on 30th December. The Raja demanded the direct management of his district, and was again refused as the Kurumbranad Raja would not agree.

After this nothing remained but to proceed to overawe the district by a show of force, so the Superintendent was directed to act on the proclamation of 18th December to break up the bands of armed men, to reduce the number of ghats leading to Wynad, and to efficiently protect those remaining. On January 4th, 1797, the Coorg Raja reported that either the Palassi (Pychy) Raja himself or one of his family had had an interview with Tippu at "Hegadideva” in Mysore, whither Tippu had proceeded ostensibly to see a white elephant.

The pepper crop was by this time just about ready for gathering, and to their chagrin the Commissioners now found even the Kurumbranad Raja's adherents passing over to the rebel side, and that the Raja himself showed great lukewarmness in the British cause.

Matters came to a crisis on January 7th, 1797. On that date a detachment of 80 men of Captain Lawrence's battalion was proceeding with a peon of the Superintendent's to a place called in the records “Manandory,” where they were to be stationed and where the Commissioners' proclamation was to be read.

A band of men under Kaiteri Ambu waylaid them, mortally wounded the commanding officer Captain Bowman, wounded several other officers, and killed many of the men. The detachment appears to have been taken by surprise : they had, when fired upon, neither their bayonets fixed nor their muskets loaded.

Flushed with this success, the rebels next, on the 8th January attacked the havildar’s guard stationed at Palassi, and killed the whole party excepting one man, who escaped to tell the story. And not content with killing the sepoys, great excesses were committed, for the rebels “cause1 to be cut up with unrelenting fury the women and children as is said of the same detachment. And a similar fate was intended towards a small guard stationed at Benghaut (Venkad), and the purpose would no doubt have been carried into effect had not timely intelligence readied that quarter so as to enable the party to provide the means of their security.”

NOTEs: 1. Mr. Wilkinson, President of Commission, minute of 2nd February 1797. END OF NOTEs

The weak and scattered detachments in Wynad too were found to be in danger. That at Dindimul had to retreat, under Lieutenant Inglis, for safety to the Periah post commanded by Lieutenant Gorman. It was savagely attacked en route on 14th January 1797 by the rebels, and the defenceless women and followers of the party were massacred. But the detachment made good its “very gallant retreat,” as the Bombay Government characterised it at the time, in spite of the overwhelming force of "Nambiars,” probably Kanoth Shekaran’s party, by which it was opposed, and Lieutenant Inglis won the strong approbation of the Bombay Government. His loss on the march amounted only to 1 jemadar, 1 naigue and 12 sepoys killed or missing.

The united detachments having exhausted their provisions, were permitted unmolested to make their way down, the Ellacherrum pass to Kuttiyadi. All the remote military posts in the country below the ghats were likewise placed in a state of comparative siege, and convoys of provisions sent to them were attacked. On 27th January a convoy proceeding to Major Anderson at Mananderi was attacked and 3 sepoys were killed, and a jemadar and 19 sepoys were wounded, in addition to which the coolies ran away and the stores, ammunition, etc., were lost.

The measures proposed by the Commissioners to counteract these savage successes were-—more troops to be stationed in Wynad, fortified military posts to be constructed at Venkad, Palassi, Kodoli, and Kottayam bazaar, and another post in Iruvalinad was proposed to overawe the Nambiars, one of whom (Kampuratt) was connected by marriage with the Palassi (Pychy) Raja’s chief adherent, Kanoth Shekaran Nambiar.

In February accordingly, the Bombay Government sent down a considerable reinforcement of troops, consisting of one battalion of sepoys, 200 Europeans, and a detachment of artillery, together with Major-General Bowles (who was ordered to resume the military command of the province) and several other officers.

Wynad had always been considered an “equivocal possession” as it was not specifically mentioned in the Seringapatam treaty; indeed, the only ground for considering that it had been ceded by Tippu that had occurred to the Joint Commissioners was that the revenue of the Kottayam districts would not have been rated so high by Tippu if he had not intended also to include it in the cession.

But in 1796, the Commissioners had made some advances towards annexing it to the other Malabar districts by appointing, on 26th February 1796 a canongoe to work under the Kurumbranad Raja with a view to ascertaining what its revenue resources were. This officer entered on the duty assigned to him on the 27th March following. And the Commissioners followed this up by deputing one of their members, Colonel Dow, to co-operate with the Kurumbranad Raja in arranging a mode for the future collection of the revenue, under restrictions however as to advancing any claims from which it might thereafter be dishonourable to retract, and Colonel Dow was in particular directed to avoid, as tar as possible, interfering in matters that mght occasion, on the part of Tippu any opposition to the authority of the Honourable Company in that district.

Colonel Dow had accordingly, on 27th June 1796, ascended the Tamarasseri pass accompanied by a military force, and had traversed on that occasion the portion of the district lying between the head of the Tamarasseri pass and the passes known respectively as the Periah pass and the Smugglers' pass, descending on Manattana. On the 17th of July he posted at a place variously called "Coonjiste" or "Cotote" or "Canccote" or "Concesta" bazaar a detachment of troops commanded by Lieutenant Hiff, as a check on the Palassi (Pychy) Raja rather than to assert the Honourable Company's authority in Wynad.

Again in the beginning of December 1796, the Officer Commanding the Province had, at the request of the Commissioners, stationed a detachment of troops under Lieutenant Gorman at Perish with a view, as already alluded to, to protect the cardamom crop from being carried off by the Palassi (Pychy) Raja's people, and some time afterwards Lieutenant Inglis' party, to whose gallant retreat from Dindimal to Periah reference had already been made, was posted at the former of these Places.

Matters were in this state when the Commissioners finally decided to issue their proclamation1 of 18th December 1796, and the effect on the Palassi (Pychy) Raja was to drive him to seek aid from Tippu. It seems that Tippu agreed to supply him with ammunition, and to on station 6000 “Carnatics” under his Killidar at Karkankotta on the Wynad frontier, to be ready to help the Raja’s people in driving the British troops down the ghats out of Wynad.

NOTEs: 1. Treaties, etc., CXXXI. END OF NOTEs

After the outbreak of hostilities, Colonel Dow was nominated to the command of the troops serving against the rebels and in pursuance of this object he, in the beginning of March 1797, again ascended the Tamarasseri pass and marched without opposition through the Wynad district from the head of that pass as far as Periah. The plan of operations was for Colonel Dow to concentrate in force at Periah, and, when that post was secured, the force below the ghats was to drive away the rebels from the fortified post in the low country about Kanoth and it was hoped that the force above the ghats, by cutting off the rebels’ retreat, would effectually break them up.

But two companies of sepoys under command of Lieutenant Mealey, who had ascended into Wynaad by way of the Karkur pass and were bringing up the rear of Colonel Dow's force, did not succeed in overtaking the main body, and during three successive days 9th, 10th and 11th March - this detachment had to fight its way, being opposed by “some thousands" of Nayars and Kurichiars “between Devote Angady and Cunjote Angady", and was finally forced to retreat from Wynaad via the "Ellacherrum”2 (Cardamom mountain) pass with “considerable loss,” viz., one subbadar, 2 havildars, 2naiguos, 1 waterman and 32 sepoys killed or missing and 67 wounded including an English officer (Lieutenant Millinchamp). About half the force were either killed, missing or wounded.

NOTEs: 2. This is apparently the pass between the existing Kuttiadi and Periah ghat roads, leading directly under in the north of Naduvaram peak to the Government cardamom forests. The pass is still used by foot-passengers to and from Kuttiadi. END OF NOTEs

Colonel Dow himself was completely hampered in carrying out the plan of operations by lack of commissariat supplies. He had started from the head of the Tamarasseri pass with only a few days’ rations, and when his force reached Periah; he had but five days’ supplies of rice left for his men. He had written several urgent letters to the Commissioners, telling them of the straits he was in for food, and they had requested Major-General Bowles to forward supplies for him via the Kuttiyadi pass the foot of which was held by the rebels.

Major Andersen, entrusted with the duty of convoying the supplies and effecting a junction with Colonel Dow was unable to fulfil that service as the Mappillas detailed to act as guides to his detachment failed to put in an appearance, and thus much valuable time was lost, and the failure of supplies to reach in time paved the way for the disasters which immediately followed.

Shortly after reaching Periah, Colonel Dow received at the hands of six armed men letters from Tippu’s officer at Karkankotta remonstrating against his marching with a force through Wynad which he claimed as a portion of the Sultan’s territory. This circumstance seemed to Colonel Dow to render it absolutely necessary that a fresh plan of operations should be decided on, as it was clearly, he thought, impracticable, with the resources at command, to maintain the position above the ghats in the face of an active opposition of the combined forces of the Palassi (Pychy Raja) and Tippu.

Colonel Dow, under those circumstances, decided to descend the ghats with a view to consulting his colleagues in the Commission. On his way from Periah to the Ellacherrum pass above referred to his detachment was attacked by bands of rebels among whom he could easily distinguish men in the dress of Tippu’s sepoys, but he made good his retreat to the pass although only accompanied by a small party of sepoys and he descended into the low country on the 17th March, with the loss, however, of all his baggage, papers, etc.

On the night of the following day, 18th March, Major Cameron, left in command of 1,100 men at Periah by Colonel Dow, was forced by want of provisions to quit that post and to attempt a similar retreat by the same pass. But the enemy had by this time completed their arrangements and instead of attacking the party on the comparatively level ground above, they waited until the force had entered the pass.

Both sides of it were lined by the rebels, who had likewise stockaded it, and a melancholy loss occurred. Major Cameron and three other officers (Lieutenant Nugent and Ensigns Madge and Rudderman) were killed, two other officers were wounded and of the detachment “some Europeans of artillery, with a considerable number of native officers and privates were either killed or missing. In addition to this loss of life, the detachment lost its guns, baggage, ammunition and cattle and the union colour of the battalion of sepoys.

Major Anderson with his convoy of supplies, which Colonel Dow had expected to meet at or near the head of the pass on the 16th arrived on the ghat on the 19th, just in time to help to carry off the wounded, of whom there were “great numbers.”

Amongst the secret papers found in Seringapatam after the final fall of Tippu there occurs the following significant passage relating to these events in a letter dated "Le primidi de later decade de Florcal l'an 5e de la Republique francaise"1 from Tippu Sultan to Citoyen General Mangalon.

NOTEs: 1. “The first day (?) of the first ten days of the month of flowers (20th April to 19th May), in the fifth year of the French Republic," i.e., 20th April 1797. END OF NOTEs

Referring to English affairs in India, he wrote “A Calicule its ont ete attaque par le Rajas Congis Ramme Ramme Chefe de Coutengris (Kottayam), qui leurs a tue en trois sorties mille Europeens et trois milles Sipaif ; par toute la cote ils sont attaque ; tous sont revoltes contre eux, par rapors au vexations et au impots qu'ils ont mis”.

On receipt of intelligence of the above events, the Bombay Government quickly decided that the presence of the Governor (Mr. Jonathan Duncan) and of the Commander-in-chief (Lieutenant-General Stuart) was necessary in Malabar, so on 10th April 1797, by orders2 of the Governor in Council, those officers were deputed to form a Committee of the Government in Malabar where they arrived in the middle of the month.

NOTEs. 2. Treaties, etc., ii. CXXXIV. END OF NOTEs

Pending their arrival the Commissioners were directed to suspend hostilities. Before proceeding to relate the measures adopted by the Committee of Government to bring affairs into a more satisfactory state, it will be necessary to revert to other matters which had meanwhile occupied the attention of the Commissioners.

With regard to the affairs of the Bibi of Cannanore, orders were received from Government that the jaghire granted to her by Tippu should not be restored as it was only a temporary alienation from the Chirakkal Raja. She then executed an agreement3, dated 28th October 1796, to pay Rs. 15,000 annually, “being the jumma (jama—demand) on the houses, purrams, etc., situated at or near Cannanore on my trade to the Laccadive Islands, and on my jelm (janmam) property on the said islands.”

NOTEs: 3. Treaties, etc., ii CXXVI. END OF NOTEs

The right of Government to sequester4 the islands and the whole of their produce was to remain in force. She also agreed to pay customs duties on all articles except island coir yarn, and she gave up all pretensions to the one-fifth share of the collections granted to other Malayali chieftains, and finally renounced all claims to the jaghire.

This agreement is still in force, and is that under which the Cannanore Laccadive Islands are administered down to the present day.

The Zamorin had in the meanwhile failed1 to pay in the revenues of his districts with punctuality, and the Commissioners, acting on the stringent orders issued by the Governor, took over on 5th July 1796 the direct management of them. It would appear that the Mappillas of Ernad and Malapuram had given great trouble to the Zamorin’s collectors, and he had some time previously renounced the direct management of those districts, which had in consequence been made over to Manjeri Attan Gurikkal for management under the Raja. For those and the remaining districts the Zamorin was able eventually to settle the accounts, and the districts were accordingly returned to him for management on the 24th August 1796.

NOTEs: 1. Treaties, etc., ii. CXIII, CXVI, CXIX., CXX, CXXI. END OF NOTEs

The direct management by the Company’s officers of the Kavalappara and Palghat districts was shortly afterwards taken2 over for the same reasons, and it does not appear that they were ever afterwards returned for management to their respective chiefs. In short, the beginning of the final resumption of all districts held under the quinquennial leases had commenced. The two Rajas belonging to the Padinyaru Kovilakam (western palace) of the Zamorin’s family, who from the time of the murderous assault on Shamnath, the Zamorin’s minister, had been living in a state of chronic semi-rebellion latterly in their residence in the jungly country at Kalladikod in the Walluvanad taluk, were at last brought to accept terms.

NOTEs: 2. Treaties, etc., ii. CXXIII, CXXV. END OF NOTEs

The Commissioners agreed3 on 6th January 1797 to their receiving an annual allowance of Rs. 10,000, and they on their part agreed to reside peaceably thereafter at Calicut.

NOTEs: 3. Treaties, etc., ii. CXXX. END OF NOTEs

This was fortunately arranged just before the troubles with the Palassi (Pychy) Raja came to a head, for had the rebellion in the north been supplemented by a similar rising in the south, the Commissioners would have been sore pressed to make head against so formidable a combination, and the task undertaken by the Committee of Government, even with all the resources of the state to back them, would have become more difficult than it actually was.

In the middle of April the Governor, Mr. Jonathan Duncan, and Lieutenant-General Stuart, the Commandar-in-Chief, arrived to investigate the affairs of the country. Acting mainly on the advice of Shamnath, the Zamorin’s minister, the Commissioners had, just before the arrival of the Committee of Government, begun to raise a levy of irregular troops to harass the Palassi (Pychy) Raja, a measure which appears to have been attended with the best possible effect.

After the arrival of the Committee, one of their first measures was to resume4 from the charge of the so-called Kurumbranad Raja of the Kottayam family, the direct revenue management of the Palassi (Pychy) districts, which ought never to have been entrusted to his care, as his authority and that of the Palassi (Pychy) Raja had been in continual conflict, and the latter had repeatedly put this forward as his main grievance.

NOTEs. 4. Treaties, etc., ii. CXXXVI, CXXXVII. END OF NOTEs

A way was thus opened up for bringing the matters in dispute to a peaceful issue, but for a time there seemed to be no hope of a settlement After several ineffectual attempts of the Chirakkal Raja and Mr. Peile, the Northern Superintendent, had been made to induce the Palassi (Pychy) Raja, under the most unqualified assurance of safe conduct, to meet the Committee at Tellicherry, active measures were resumed against him, full authority being given to Colonel Dow, who was well known to the inhabitants.

An amnesty was at the same time proclaimed to the inhabitants who should return to their allegiance. Colonels Dow and Dunlop then marched in two columns from Kottayam bazaar, and joining forces at Manattana, they there met with some opposition, and their force suffered some casualties in officers and men. But the united force pushed onward in spite of some opposition and took possession of Tadikulam, the Raja’s headquarters and demolished the contiguous fortified house of the Kanoth Nambiar, with the loss of Brigade-Major Captain Batchelor killed and one or two Europeans and sepoys wounded. After these exploits they returned to their encamping ground.

In spite, however, of this success, the Committee became aware of the difficulties which lay in the way of bringing this guerilla warfare to a speedy conclusion on account of the mountainous and thickly wooded nature of the country. For these reasons, and for others of a wider character, namely, the war with France in Europe and the danger of intrigues on the part of Tippu and the French, the Committee determined, if possible, to bring about a speedy peace.

The Chirakkal Raja was accordingly permitted to re-open negotiations on behalf of the Palassi (Pychy) Raja, in which Devas Bhandari, a Konkana and one of the Company’s pepper merchants, and the adopted Parappanad Raja (of the Kottayam family) took prominent parts and succeeded2 on 23rd July 1797 in bringing matters to a satisfactory termination.

NOTEs: 2. Treaties, etc ii. CXL, CXLI, CXLII. END OF NOTEs

The Palassi (Pychy) Raja and his chief adherents, the Kanoth Nambiar and others, agreed to respect an agreement to be made by the Senior Raja of the Kottayam family, hitherto resident in Travancore, for the revenue management of the Kottayam districts, including Tamarasseri, in place of the superseded Kurumbranad Raja, and this arrangement3 was shortly afterwards (27th September 1797) carried into effect, and the detachments of troops posted in different parts of the low country were then concentrated in a cantonment at Kuttuparamba, about eight miles east of Tellicherry on the high road to Coorg and Wynad.

NOTEs: 3. Treaties, etc., ii. CXLV, CXLVI. END OF NOTEs

A meeting having then been arranged with the late rebellious Raja the Committee ascertained from him that through some intrigue or other the pardon of the Governor-General, conveyed to him through the Kurumbranad Raja, had not reached him before he begun to make collections on his own account. Moreover plundered property, which had been committed to the same Raja for restoration to him, had never been received. It was only on receipt direct from the Northern Superintendent of a copy of the Supreme Government’s orders in his case that he came to understand how it had been settled, and it so happened that the Malayalam translations of those orders construed the expression1 “his restoration to his district and property” in the largest sense, viz., that his country and property should be given back to him.

NOTEs: 1. Conf. Treaties, etc., ii. CXXII. END OF NOTEs

The Committee were not quite satisfied that the adoption of the superseded Raja into the real Kurumbranad family operated as a forfeiture of all his rights in the family of his birth, namely, Kottayam and they therefore could not attach much importance to that point, which was also pressed on their notice by the Palassi (Pyehy) Raja. But therein they were doubtless wrong.

The Palassi (Pyehy) Raja was granted2 a pension of Rs. 8,000 per annum and the plunder of his Palassi house was made good to him. He was further granted a pardon “for all that had been done towards the Company.”

NOTEs: 2. Treaties, etc., CL., CLI, CLII. END OF NOTEs

A pardon was likewise extended to the Narangoli Nambiar of Iruvalinad who as already related, had, after the slaying of three Mappillas, fled to the Palassi (Pychy) Raja for protection. The Committee of Government, on reviewing the papers connected with his case, had come to the conclusion that the sequestration of his lands and property was not justified by the regulations. So his outlawry was reversed and the Nambiar was restored3 to his possessions.

NOTEs: 3. Treaties, etc., ii. CLIII. END OF NOTEs

In regard to other measures, the Committee of Government strengthened the Commission on 15th September 1797 by adding to the Board the Officer commanding the Province. The militia was next disbanded and two sibandi corps of Nayars and Mappillas were organised, the Nayars being stationed in the southern and the Mappillas in the northern division to secure the peace of the country.

Affairs in Chirakkal next claimed attention. The Raja died and the Government recognised the succession of Ravi Varma, the eldest of the two princes in Travancore. His nomination to the raj was opposed by the Kavinisseri branch of the family supported by the senior or Kolattiri Raja. To ensure peace and harmony in the family the Linguist, M. A. Rodrigues, and the influential Mappilla merchant Chovakkaran Makki, were deputed to Chirakkal. They succeeded in establishing peace. Ravi Varma was confirmed in the raj and Colonel Dow was placed in judicial and magisterial charge of this district in addition to Kottayam.

The Ernad district having been relinquished by the Zamorin, an European assistant was appointed to take charge of it and another assistant was sent to administer Parappanad.

Mr. Rivett was succeeded by Mr. Spencer as President of the Commission, while Messrs. Smee and Torrins were appointed in the room of Colonel Dow and Mr. Handley. The posts of native dewans were abolished, and it was resolved to make a radical change in the administration by the appointment of covenanted servants as revenue assistants, to be employed throughout the district, on which account the existing regulations were modified.

Separate decennial leases1 were for the first time entered into with the Kurangot Nayar and the chief landholder under him, the Payapurat Nayar, for the district known as Koringot Kallai.

NOTEs: 1. Treaties, etc., ii. CLIV, CLV. END OF NOTEs

The notorious Mappilla bandit chief, Unni Mutta Muppan, was pardoned and restored to his estate of Elampuinsseri, while Attan Gurikkal, a relation of his and no less noted for turbulence of character, was appointed from motives of policy as head of a police establishment in Ernad.

The forts of Cannanore, Tellicherry and Palghat were now either improved or repaired. The minor matters which engaged the attention of the Committee of Government were -

The abolition of the expensive mail boat service and the establishment of a post via Cochin and the Travancore gate on the Tinnevelly frontier to Tuticorin.

The regulation of ferries.

The freedom of trade to the Laccadive islanders.

The abolition of all frontier duties on horned cattle, provisions, etc., imported from Tippu’s territories.

The introduction of a tax on all spirituous liquors, which were to be farmed out as well as the trade in tobacco.

The repair of the gun roads made by Tippu.

And the tracing of a road from Palghat to Palani and Dindigul in order to avoid the adjacent territories of Tippu.

Their attention was also directed to the cultivation of special products such as cinnamon, coffee, pepper, nutmeg, spices, sugarcane, cotton, etc., Mr. M. Brown was accordingly appointed2 Overseer of the Company’s plantation opened out at Anjarakandi in the waste lands of Randattara on a salary of Rs. 800 per month.

The Vettatnad escheats were surveyed by Captain Moncrief, who as well as Colonel Sartorius surveyed the rivers of the country and Lieutenant Monier Williams drew the first map of Malabar under Captain Monerief’s supervision. Just at the close of the labours of the Committee of Government some treasonable correspondence- said to have been carried on by Tippu with the Palassi (Pychy) Raja, with the Padinyaru Kovilakam Rajas of the Zamorin’s house, with Unni Mutta Muppan-was discovered, but the Committee having no reliable information to go upon, decided to overlook the matter.

In the very begining of 1798, after a stay of over eight months in the province, the Governor and the Commander-in-Chief returned to the Presidency.

In pursuance of the arrangement for the better administration of the country, European assistants were located in all the districts under the Superintendents, and Mr. Smee was entrusted1 with the very important duty of revising the assessment of the Province by an inspection of the estate of each ryot.

NOTEs: 1. Treaties, etc., ii. CLXXXl. END OF NOTEs

In order to prevent confusion in the regular payment of revenue by the six Nambiars of Iruvalinad, the Commissioners, with the consent of these chieftains, next annulled,2 the quinquennial lease and entered into separate engagements3 with each of them for the unexpired portion of two years remaining under the lease. The revised leases followed the precise lines of those already issued to the other chiefs of Malabar.

NOTEs: 2. Treaties, etc. ii. XCIII, CLX,

3. Treaties, etc., ii, CLXI to CLXVI. END OF NOTEs

As their earnest entreaty, agreements were in February-March 1798 for the first time also entered into with the Kuttali, Avinyat and Paleri Nayars of Payyormala for the remaining term of the quinquennial lease period by the Kurumbranad Raja.

The district of Kurumbala, which lay above the ghats in Wynad and which formerly formed part of Payyormala, was not included in the Kuttali and Avinyat Nayars' agreements as to the Honourable Company's right to the territory was, like that to the rest of Wynad, considered to be doubtful, but the collections of this small district were to be made4 by the Nayars and paid into the northern treasury.

NOTEs: 4. Treaties, etc., ii, CLXIX. END OF NOTEs

In April some disturbances were created in Chirakkal by a prince of the Chenga Kovilakam of the Kolattiri family, a nephew of the late Raja. He claimed the raj. Colonel Dow went with a force to restore5 quiet. The rebellious Raja attempted in the following month of May to take the Puttur Temple by storm, but was slain in the attempt by the ruling Raja's Nayars who defended it.

NOTEs: 5. Treaties, etc., CLXXV; CLXXIX, CLXXX. END OF NOTEs

Kottayam affairs once more claimed attention. The senior managing Raja was found to be falling into arrears with his collections, although assisted by British officers. It became apparent that he had not sufficient personal influence or energy to keep things in order, so he was pensioned and permitted to retire to Travancore. The district was then placed under the direct management of the Honourable Company's officers.

The Commissioners' attention was next taken up by the affairs of Palghat. The Achchan in April took the law into his own hands, in spite of the terms of his engagements, by "putting to death Ullateel Veetul Canden Nayar and taking out the eyes of Parameshuaracooty Brahman”.

Having thus committed himself, he escaped on 7th July from his house in Kalpetti in Palghat town as soon as it was known that the Commissioners intended to bring him to trail for these offenses. A proclamation1 offering Rs. 5000 was issued for his apprehension. The upshot was that he surrendered himself to Major Romney at Palghat and was imprisoned in the Tellicherry fort, where he soon after died.

NOTEs: 1. Treaties, etc., ii. CLXXVII, CLXXVIII. END OF NOTEs

In sending orders to the Commissioners to assume the direct revenue management of the Palghat district the Bombay Government wrote approving of this measure, which had been suggested by the Commissioners, and observing further:-

“There exists no anterior general engagement whatever between the Company and the Palghat family, who appeared to have availed themselves of the victories of our army during the last Mysore war to reassume possession without any formal sanction on the part of the English, in which situation are several of the southern chieftains, who have heretofore no sort of claim upon us more than may result from their own good and unexceptionable behaviour, a distinction more than once pointed out for your guidance by this Government.”

In September of this same year final orders were at last received in regard to Tippu’s claims to Wynad. The Governor-General, Lord Mornington, after full consideration of the matter, came2 to the conclusion that “Wynad was not ceded to the Company by the late Treaty of Peace, and that it belongs by right to his said Highness the Nawaub Tippu Sultan Bahadur,” who was to be permitted “consequently to occupy the said district whenever it may suit his pleasure.”

NOTEs: 2. Treaties, etc., ii. CLXXXII. END OF NOTEs

But the Company’s claim to the passes leading up to Wynad were not to be affected in any way by this waiver of right to the district itself.

Nearly all the Rajas were backward in the regular discharge of their kists and were obliged to procure the suretyship of Mappilla merchants for the payment of arrears. Although members of this sect living in the coast towns were active traders and well-behaved, in the interior their fellow religionists were incessantly engaged in marauding expeditions.3

NOTEs: 3. Treaties, etc., ii, CLXXXVIII. END OF NOTEs

Mannarakad, Tamarasseri, Pulavayi, Vettattnad, Cheranad and Ernad especially suffered from these banditti. The mistaken notions prevalent in regard to ownership in the land appear to have been to a large extent at the bottom of these disturbances, which assumed the aspect of faction fights for supremacy between Hindus and Muhammadans.

The Zamorin having failed to pay his revenue regularly, the direct management of his remaining districts was again assumed4 in October 1798 by the Company, and agreements were shortly afterwards entered into with the fifth Raja and other members of the family for the payment of their allowances, provided and only so long as they should remain in good behaviour.

NOTEs: 4. Treaties, etc., ii. CLXXXIV. END OF NOTEs

Some of them were then allowed to resume their residence at the Kalladikod Kovilakam which was “situated amidst a strong intricate jungle”. Subsequent events did not, however, justify the grant of this relaxation.

Of the events of the last war with Tippu Sultan ending in the taking of his capital and in his own death, little need here to be said. The arrival in a French frigate at Mangalore, on 26th April 1798, of 99 French Civil and Military Officers, sent by the Governor of the Isle of France for service under Tippu, put the English on the alert, and made them commence preparations for war. The above event, followed by the despatch of a further embassy from Tippu to France, which was sent by way of Tranquebar, led directly to the last war with Tippu.

On 11th February 1799 General Harris began his march on Seringapatam, and on the 21st of that same month General Stuart, with the Bombay Army of 6,420 fighting men, made his first march out of Cannanore. On the 25th the top of the pass was reached and the column halted. On the 6th March, Tippu attacked General Stuart at Sedaseer and was repulsed, and on the 11th he retreated to Seringapatam to oppose General Harris. On April 14th the two armies effected a junction before Seringapatam, and on the 4th of May 1799 Seringapatam fell and Tippu was slain.

Stores were sent from Malabar via Irikkur on the Valarpattanam river to Coorg, where a commissariat magazine was established.

The Raja of Coorg proved himself again to be a staunch adherent of the English. He aided them most substantially with provisions and bullocks, while at the same time he refused any remuneration, the value of the supplies afforded by him being calculated at not less than four lakhs of rupees. In appreciation of his conduct and valuable services, the Coorg tribute was cancelled, and for it was substituted,1 as a proof of fealty and devotion, an annual present to the Company of a trained elephant. The affairs of the State were taken out of the hands of the authorities in Malabar and a Resident was stationed at his Court.

NOTEs: 1. Treaties, etc., ii. CCI, CCII. END OF NOTEs

The pensioned Rajas of Kumbla and Vittul Agra or Higgada did not also fail to harass Tippu's possessions during the war and on this account the pension of the former was in 1801 increased to Rs. 400. But the latter having after the proclamation of peace plundered the Manasserum temple, he was declared a rebel and death anticipated the orders issued for his seizure.

Strangely enough the Rajas and Chiefs of Malabar, considering the turbulent and discontented disposition of many, were on their best behaviour during this period of disturbance. Several persons hitherto believed to be inimical to the Company's interests proved their loyalty and devotion, notwithstanding that rumours were afloat of the Chirakkal and Palassi (Pychy) Rajas carrying on clandestine correspondence with Tippu and aiding him with men and provision.

It is important to mention that with the exception of a detachment at Cannanore, and with the exception of the militia, Malabar was left entirely without military protection during the operations of the armies in the field. But General Stuart s brilliant victory of the 6th March, at the very opening of the campaign against Tippu’s force, was viewed at the time by the Governor-General and others as having conduced largely to the tranquillity in Malabar.

On the fall of Seringapatam, Wynad was, under the Partition Treaty1 and subsidiary treaties, ceded to the Company as part of their share on the Western Coast.

NOTEs: 1. Treaties, etc., ii. CXCIII, CXCIV, CCXXVIII, CCXLVII. END OF NOTEs

The four islands of the Laccadive group taken by Tippu from the Bibi of Cannanore were leased to Chovakkaran Mussa by Captain Munro, Collector of the newly acquired Province of Canara, although the Bibi did not fail once more to urge her claims to them.

The Payyormala Nayars having failed to pay their revenue, their district was next taken under2 the Company’s control, and on the expiration of the Chirakkal lease, the management of that district was also undertaken3 by the Company owing to irregularity in the payment of its revenue.

NOTEs: 2. Treaties, etc., ii, CXCVII.

3. Treaties, etc., ii, CCIII. END OF NOTEs

Writing to the Madras Government on 14th August 1800, the Commissioners reported as follows : —

“From a general failure in the fulfilment of their engagements by the Rajas, Government assumed the collection of the revenue at sundry periods before the expiration of the settlements in September 1799. Since which period, except4 in the instances of Kadattand, Kurangoth-Kallayi and Cannanore in the northern, Kavalappara and the three petty Nayar districts of Mannur, Kougad and Eddatara in the southern division, and the island of Chetwai held by the Cochin Raja on a decennial lease commencing 970, the collection of the revenues has proceeded under the sole control of the officers of Government, an arrangement from which the best effects have been produced.”

NOTEs: 4. By 18th June 1802 this number had still further diminished, and on that date the Principal Collector reported as follows to the Board of Revenue :—“ Except the two Nayars of Kallayi" (i.e., Kurangoth -Kallayi in the text), “who have a Cowl (Treaties, etc., ii. CLIV, CLV) giving them the collections for ten years ending 1807, no other person in the province that participates in the one-fifth share of the revenue has the charge of management." END OF NOTEs

The only lease renewed5 was that of the Kadattanad Raja, and that for periods of one year only. He had been uniformly punctual in the payment of his revenue. The superseded chiefs were continued in the enjoyment of the allowance of one-fifth (in some cases) and of one-tenth (in others) of the revenue of their respective districts which had been allotted to them for their maintenance. These allowances continue to be paid to them down to the present day under the designation of Malikhana.

NOTEs: 5. Treaties, etc., ii, CCVII, CCXXIII. END OF NOTEs

The minor matters which at this time engaged the attention of the Commissioners were-

The introduction of the tobacco monopoly.

The establishment of a rule for the registration1 of all writings of the transfer of landed property, on whatever tenure held, in order to put a stop to systematic forgeries.

And the change of the postal route from Travancore to Coimbatore, one of the newly acquired districts.

NOTEs: 1. Treaties, etc., ii. CCV. END OF NOTEs

The Putiyangadi Tangal, of an influential Arab family, was in March 1799 continued in an exemption from the payment of the revenue on his property, originally granted to him by the Second Raja of Calicut in 1791 in order that by his influence he might restrain the lawless habits of his countrymen, the ringleaders of whom were Unni Mutta Muppan, Attan Gurikkal, Chemban Pokar, etc.

A formidable combination was formed by these Mappilla headmen instigated by a spirit of revenge for the punishment inflicted by the regular judicial process on some of their connexions, especially on Adam Khan, a brother-in-law of Gurikkal’s, who had executed for murder. The combination became alarming after an abortive attempt had been made by the Assistant, Mr. Baber to seize Chemban Pokar, who had escaped from the Palghat fort. Mr. Baber’s party was repulsed. This success encouraged Chemban Pokar to make a daring attempt on the life of Mr. G. Waddell the Southern Superintendent, while he was proceeding from Angadipuram to Orampuram, in which attempt Chemban Pokar was secretly abetted by Gurikkal, who had been in Company’s service since 1790 as head of police in Ernad.

While these Mappilla disturbances were occurring in the south the Amildars of the Mysore Commission went to take possession of Wynad as a portion of the Company’s cession, and it was then in contemplation to attach it either to Canara or Coimbatore. But the Palassy (Pychy) Raja had laid claim to the district and persisted in keeping possession of it. To uphold his pretentions he raised a large body of men consisting of Nayars, Mappillas, and Mussalmans, the last being portions of the disbanded troops of the late Sultan.

Orders were therefore issued by the Supreme Government to punish severely his presumptuous conduct. The control of the province was placed under the Madras Government, which appointed Colonel Arthur Wellesley3 as Commander of the forces in Malabar and Canara as well as in Mysore. It was arranged to assemble forces on both sides of Wynad and to prosecute the war with the utmost vigour. But owing to the lateness of the season and the approach of the monsoon, the first military operations were confined to strengthening the military posts in the low country of Kottayam with a view to protect the peaceably disposed inhabitants. Colonel Wellesley on April 4th, 1800, writing from Cannanore, informed the Commissioners that he had ordered two companies of the 8th to Kuttuparamba and put the other six companies under Major Walker's orders for the above purpose.

NOTEs: 3. Afterwards Duke of Wellington END OF NOTEs

At the same time other preparations were begun by the construction of military roads into the heart of the country, and of two additional posts provisioned, if possible, before the rains. In any case a large store was to be thrown into Kuttuparamba and two companies of sepoys were to be sent to guard them.

Colonel Wellesley returned to Seringapatam in the same month, but nothing of much importance occurred beyond numerous secessions to the rebel ranks in Wynad. To stop this, Colonel Wellesley recommended the Commissioners to seize the families and property of those who joined. In June and July he was employed in his pursuit of Dhondia Wahan, who had invited the Malabar Chiefs to join his standard, and later on in other operations the north.

During this time the Palassy (Pychy) Raja took advantage of the opportunity, and descending the ghats at Kutttiadi, he was there joined by the notorious Mappilla bandit chief Unni Mutta Muppan and many of the chief landholders of Iruvalinad, such as the Kampuratt, Peruvayyal and Kannavatt Nambiars.

At the suggestion of Colonel Wellesley and in order to retain possession of the advanced posts of Kannavam and Manatana, Captains Ward and Moncrief dispersed the rebels from Kuttuparamba as far as Kannavam, while Major Holmes, though harassed on the march, succeeded in relieving and provisioning Manatana besieged by the rebels.

It will be convenient here, before proceeding to deal with the further military operations, to notice certain very important changes in the administration, which had a most important bearing on the events which followed.

Mr Uthoff having been sent on a separate mission to Goa and Colonel Hartley dying, Major Alexander Walker was nominated to a seat on the Commission, and pending his arrival from a tour in Travancore, Lieutenans J. Watson was provisionally appointed in his stead. In April 1800 the posts of the two Superintendents were ordered to be abolished1 and the province to be partitioned into a number of small circles2 of collection, with limited judicial powers vested in the revenue collectors, while the Cochin Commissioner was placed directly under the orders of the Malabar Board.

NOTEs. 1. Treaties, etc., ii. CCXII.

2. Treaties, etc., ii. CCX1V, CCXV. END OF NOTEs

These instructions were followed up by orders from the Supreme Government of 21st May 1800, directing that the civil administration should be transferred from the Bombay Presidency to that of Madras with effect from the 1st of July. It will be noted that for some time previously the military administration had already been in the hands of the Madras authorities, and the benefit of having undivided authority in the hands of the one presidency or the other, led to the choice3 of Madras, from its nearer vicinity to the province, as the presidency to which it, in common with Coorg and Cochin, should be transferred. The Commercial Department in the province was, however, left to the Bombay authorities.

NOTEs: 3. Treaties, etc., ii. CCXIII. END OF NOTEs

Travancore too was placed under a separate Political Officer and Colonel Macaulay was nominated to the post.

The commission of Bombay officers continued under the orders of Madras to perform their functions for some time longer. The Malabar Commissioners deputed Major Walker to the southern districts, and upon his report condemning the spirited action of Messrs. Baber and Waddell with reference to the Mappilla banditti, Chemban Pokar was pardoned on his giving security1 of good behaviour, and Gurikkal was allowed the option of either living on the coast near Calicut, or standing his trial for having caused the late troubles.

NOTEs. 1. Treaties, etc., ii. CCXVI. END OF NOTEs

For the purpose of collecting the revenue Captain Watson was next entrusted with the organisation of a new corps of armed police, consisting of 500 men, whom he trained and equipped in a fashion much resembling the present constabulary force. The Malabar militia, an irregular force and undisciplined, serving under their own native chiefs, was then (June 10th, 1801) disbanded.

Directly the rains set in (June-July 1800), the rebels had taken possession of the low country of Kottayam, and among other mischief perpetrated, they attacked and destroyed a portion of Mr. Brown's plantation at Anjarakandi, besides beleaguering the small British outposts, especially those at Kodolli and Manatana.

Colonel Wellesley when he heard of this raid was busy with Dhondia's fort of Dammal. He took that by escalade on July 26th, and next day wrote to the commissioners telling them that his success against Dammal might, if published, have some influence in quieting Malabar, and that, in anticipation of trouble, he had already on July 1st directed Colonel Sartorius to bring together at Tellicherry as large a body of troops as possible to relive the threatened posts and to drive the rebels out of the western portion of Kottayam.

A gunboat was also stationed on the Anjarakandi river. The revenue collection of Kottayam were at a standstill in consequence of the troubles, and in the beginning of October, when the revenue collection ought to have been begun, a proclamation2 was under these circumstances issued, directing the people to retain their dues in their own hands until persons duly authorised were sent to receive them.

NOTEs: 2. Treaties, etc., ii. CCXIX. END OF NOTEs

Sufficient troops were not however yet available for dealing effectually with the rebels as Colonel Wellesley was still engaged in the north with his campaign against Dondia Wahan. On October 22nd he wrote advising the Commissioners to stop all communication with Wynad with a view to cut off the Palassi (Pychy) Raja's supplies. And a few weeks prior to the receipt of this letter the Commissioners had on their own accord prohibited1 the traffic, an order which however the troops at command did not enable them adequately to enforce.

NOTEs: 1. Treaties, etc., ii. CCXXIV- CCXXII. END OF NOTEs

About a month later, however (20th November 1800), the campaign against Dhondia Wahan was brought to a close with his defeat and death, and the force under Colonel Wellesley was ordered for service against the rebels, whose ranks had just been reinforced2 by Manjeri Attan Gurikkal and his banditti, who had in Ernad attempted to loot some Government property in charge of an escort of sepoys.

NOTEs: 2. Treaties, etc., ii. CCXXIV. END OF NOTEs

Colonel Wellesley, on the above date, writing from “Annagee in Mysore,” informed the Commissioners of the orders he had received to attack the Palassi (Pychy) Raja simultaneously from Mysore and the coast, and said that he was on his way to Seringapatam, followed by the army destined for the purpose, “now crossing Tumbudra.”

To Seringapatam accordingly he requested that “Yemen Nayar” should be sent with all expedition, and he wound up with a hope that he would be able to have sufficient force to attack all the rebels at once, including Gurukkal and his hand, of whose outbreak he had just heard.

This Yemen3 Nayar, for whom Colonel Wellesley wrote, was an influential Nayar of Wynad, who, at the outbreak of hostilities with Tippu Sultan in 1799, had come to the Malabar Commissioners at Calicut and professed his attachment to the British cause. His professions were believed and assurances4 of protection to himself and his adherents were granted to him. He had since that time been admitted to the confidence of the authorities in Malabar, and it was to consult him as to local matters that Colonel Wellesley now sent for him prior to forming his plan of operations against the rebels in Wynad.

NOTEs: 3. Otherwise called Pallur Eman Nayar of Muppainad.

4. Treaties, etc., ii. CXC. END OF NOTEs

It was never clearly proved, but it is almost certain, that he was all the time in secret correspondence with his suzerain lord of Palassi (Pychy), advising him of the measures to be taken against him. And his after conduct - for on 6th December 1802 - he openly espoused the rebel cause at a time when it was becoming well nigh desperate - gives great colour to the story. The time had not however yet come for him to declare- himself in his true colours, and meanwhile he proceeded to Seringapatam to help the “Iron Duke”5 to settle the details of his campaign.

NOTEs: 5. Had a suspicion of his fidelity been brought home to the mind of the “Iron Duke” one can picture what would have been his fate in that pregnant P.S. to the latter’s despatch from Dammal - “P.S.—The killidar fell into our hands, and was hanged.” END OF NOTEs

On November 30th Colonel Wellesley, then at Seringapatam, again wrote to the Commissioners requesting that one of them would come to Seringapatam for the purpose of accompanying the expedition, which, he was sorry to say, he would not be able to command in person as he had been ordered to the Carnatic ; but he commended Colonel Stevenson, the probable commander of the expedition, to the Commissioners’ notice for his zeal, intelligence and ability, and he promised to submit a plan of operations before leaving Seringapatam.

On December 5th the general plan had been matured and was communicated by Colonel Wellesley to the Commissioners. The force to be employed was –

19th Dragoons,

2nd Cavalry,

3rd do.

Five companies, 12th Foot,

The 77th Foot,

Two battalions, Coast sepoys,

Do. Bombay sepoys,

600 Pioneers,

with 14 guns with Bengal Coast and Bombay artillerymen in proportion, besides the guns with the two cavalry regiments and 4 small mortars with stores.

The plan of operations was as follows :—The military posts in Kottayam below the ghats were to be advanced as far as Peruvayyal1 (Big paddy flat) as soon as the pressure in Wynad had induced the Palassi (Pychy) Raja to withdraw his people from the low country. Communication via the Periah pass was then to be opened up with the Mysore army as soon as practicable.

NOTEs: 1. Near Kannavam in Kottayam taluk. END OF NOTEs

The 19th Dragoons and 2nd Cavalry were to proceed via Coimbatore and Palghat to overawe the Mappillas in the south.

Colonel Wellesley then rejected a plan which had been proposed “by different Nayars2 whose opinions have been taken” for a simultaneous attack from five points. And his reasons were that the five columns would really constitute five armies, the provisioning, etc., of which would lead to delays ; that the columns would not be able to act in concert with each other ; and that, even if troops could be spared from Calicut (which was doubtful), the columns would be weak, and the Raja, by bringing all his strength against one column, might destroy that before the other columns could help it, and there might be a chance of one-third or even of one-half of the army being cut off.

NOTEs: 2. Query.—-In the light of Pallur Eman Nayar’s subsequent conduct, it would be interesting to know if it was his advice to which Colonel Wellesley here alludes. END OF NOTEs

The plan which Colonel Wellesley therefore finally recommended Colonel Stevenson to adopt was : After planting a post at Karkankotta on the Mysore frontier on the north-east of Wynad, to push on with the rest of the troops via Eratorah (Editerrahcotta - east of Sultan’s Battery) to the Tamarasseri pass with a view to –

Opening communication with Calicut,

Encouraging Yemen (Eman) Nayar and his friends, whose influence was greatest in the country to the south of the great road to Tamarasseri.

And impeding communication between the Raja and the Mappillas under Gurikkal in Ernad and his other friends in South Wynad and South Malabar.

After getting possession of this line and securing it by posts, two of which were to be at Eratorah (Editerrahcotta) near the Mysore frontier, and Lacrycotta (Lakkidikotta) at the head of the Tamarasseri pass, Colonel Stevenson was recommended to push forward to the Raja’s Colgum (Kovilakam) “in as many divisions as he might think proper,” taking care not to break up his force more than was necessary, and not to send out detachments with baggage till well acquainted with the strength of the enemy.

Colonel Stevenson entered the district in January 1801, the rebels were easily dispersed, and by the month of May every post of any importance in Wynad was in the hands of the British.

Colonel Wellesley returned from his special duties in Ceylon on the 28th April, landed at Cannanore, and proceeded to Seringapatam, whence, on May 10th, he once more addressed the Commissioners, informing them of his appointment “to command the troops in Mysore, Malabar and Canara,” and of Colonel Stevenson having been appointed to command in Malabar and Canara “under my directions.”

With every post both above and below the ghats held by British troops and the whole country disarmed,1 the Palassi (Pychv) Raja became a wanderer in the jungles, and there can be no doubt that even then, if he had proposed to accept terms from the Government, he would have been accorded favourable conditions because of his former services and of the cowl given to him by the Chief of the Tellicherry factory in 1790, but he appears never to have hesitated in the course he ought to follow.

NOTEs. 1. Treaties, etc., ii. CCXXVII. END OF NOTEs

First he fled in March along the ghats into Chirakkal, to “Neddyanji by way of Payanur” (? Payavur), and the Chulali Nambiar, being suspected of aiding him, was arrested and sent under escort to Calicut. Returning to his haunts in Kottayam, the detachments of troops drove him thence into the Kadattanad and thence into the Kurumbranad jungles, the Avinyat Nayar of Payyormala and the Kadattanad Raja both being suspected of aiding him.

In the end of July Colonel Stevenson reported that “the senior Peruvayyal Nambiar” had surrendered himself to his fate, and had been sent to Kannavam to be hanged along with two others at that place and two more at Iliacoiur (Irukkur) in Chirakkal, as an awful warning to the people. The rebellion at this time was “at a very low ebb,” he stated, and the people were beginning to show some respect for the Government. If succour could be prevented from reaching the Raja from Kurumbranad and Kadattanad, his surrender might be looked for “as not very distant.” His following at this time consisted of but six people and from twenty to twenty-five “musquet people.” He had sent back two of his followers (Mappillas), who gave those particulars.

The time seemed to be opportune for granting terms to the peaceably disposed, and the Commissioners accordingly1 proclaimed on 4th August 1801 “full and unequivocal pardon” and restoration of their property to all rebels who should submit and return to allegiance, excepting, however, the Raja himself, the Kannavatt Nambiar, Chattappan Nambiar, Edachenna Kungan, Chingot Chattu, Pulliyan Shanalu, and Punattil Nambiar, and the direst penalties to all who should disobey. A period of six weeks was named within which time this offer was to remain open for acceptance.

NOTEs: 1. Treaties, etc., ii. CCXXIX. END OF NOTEs

But this measure failed to bring about the end desired ; the chief rebel, with a faithful few, still remained at large in spite of troops acting in concert both from above and below the ghats in hunting him up. But some of his principal adherents were captured, and in particular, on November 27th, 1801, Colonel Stevenson reported to Major Macleod, the Principal Collector, that a detachment under Lieutenant Edwards had succeeded in capturing the Kannavatt Nambiar, the primary instigator, as was alleged, of the rebellion, together with his son aged about twenty-four years.

These rebels were forthwith marched from Kuttiyadi, where they had been caught, to Kannavam, “to be hanged on the Hill2 of Canute (Kannavam), which is near their late residence and the scene of their rebellious oppositions to the Company’s authority. Their estates were also declared to be forfeited.

NOTEs: 2. In front of the Travellers' Bungalow at this place, on the opposite side of the main road. END OF NOTEs

The mention of the name of the Principal Collector makes it necessary to pause for an instant to describe yet another change which had taken place in the administration of the province. The Government of Lord Clive was not satisfied with the system of Government established in Malabar under the auspices of the Bombay Presidency, as it had failed to establish the authority of the Government on a respectable foundation.

Writing to the Commissioners on 25th December 1800, the Government observed that while the military force, being insufficient to maintain the civil authority, had been one of the main causes of the failure to establish a permanent system of government in Malabar, the Government also thought that the principles on which the civil administration was carried on were not calculated to support a permanent government, and that every branch of the internal arrangements appeared to be overcharged with expensive and unnecessary establishments.

The Government consequently called, through the Board of Revenue, for reports from the Commissioners and from the several Collectors regarding the principles and detailed system of the present administration of the revenue in Malabar.

On receipt of these reports, the Government resolved3 on 5th September 1801 to abolish the Commission for the affairs of Malabar, and to subject the Province to the control and superintendence of one Principal Collector with three subordinate Collectors, for the administration of the revenues and of the civil government.

NOTEs: 3. Treatise, etc. ii. CCXXX, followed shortly afterwards (17th October 1801) by the abolition of the Commission for the affairs of Cochin, which with its dependencies, including Chetwai Island, was transferred likewise to the Principal Collector. - (Treatise, etc. ii. CCXXXI, CCXXXII). END OF NOTEs

Major William Macleod, then Collector of Salem, was selected for the post, and Messrs. Strachey, Hodgson and Keate were appointed his subordinate Collectors in Malabar. To Major Macleod and his assistants the Government committed all power, both civil and criminal, and the military were further authorised to punish, “by summary process, crimes of every description.”

This state of things was to continue “until the military power of the Company shall have subjugated the refractory people of the Province.”

The Commission was accordingly abolished on 30th September 1801, and the first of the Principal Collectors assumed charge on 1st October.

The capture and execution of the Kannavatt Nambiar and his son, which followed shortly on this change in the administration, must have been severely felt by the rebels, and a deceitful calm appears to have spread over the country below the ghats. Taking advantage of it, Major Macleod, in January 1802, endeavoured1 to complete the disarmament of the province by getting the people to bring in the “considerable quantities of arms” which it was believed they still kept either openly in their houses or concealed. Death was the penalty threatened to all who opposed the carrying out of these orders.

NOTEs: 1. Treaties, etc., ii . CCXXXIV. END OF NOTEs

But he followed this up by other measures which led to disastrous results. The first of those was in regard to the prevailing rates of exchange. On 31st August 1802 he issued a proclamation2 fixing (on erroneous data as was afterwards proved) the exchange rates of the “twenty-three current coins now issued and received in the public treasury as they are now rated and exchanged in the province of Coimbatore.” The effect of this may be stated shortly thus. The table so promulgated lowered the value of

NOTEs: 2. Treaties, etc., ii. CCXXXVI. END OF NOTEs

The revenue at this time was accounted for in star pagodas, which coins were, however, not current in the province. The revenue was mainly collected in fanams, which were the commonest current coins in the province. In the bazaars, again, where agriculturists sold their produce, the rupee was the general standard of exchange.

The rates so promulgated therefore “in fact1 raised the revenue on every individual throughout the country 20 per cent in gold fanams and 10 per cent in silver, while for their commodities in the markets ” (where the dealers had naturally enough disregarded the proclamation) "they could only got the old rates of 3½ gold and 5 silver fanams per rupee.”

NOTEs: 1. Principal Collector Rickards to Board of Revenue, 27th April 1803, paragraph 28. END OF NOTEs

This measure took effect from 15th September 1802, shortly after the commencement, that is, of the revenue year.

But Major Macleod's mistakes did not end here. For, coming fresh from the country east of the ghats, where the ryots had been accustomed for generations to be a down-trodden race, he seems to have mistaken altogether the character of the people with whom he had to deal. The Tara organisation of the Nayars, albeit crushed by the Mysorean supremacy, was not altogether dead, and it only needed some acts of palpable injustice to rouse the whole community into violent opposition to the new race of rulers.

Major Macleod estimated the Government share of the produce of the rice-fields at as much as 35 to 40 per cent of the gross produce. Mr. Rickards, who followed him in his office as Principal Collector, observed that 40 per cent of the produce might possibly be collected without objection on particular spots, “but if the principles be indiscriminately applied to seed lands in Malabar, I am confident that agriculture would no longer be worth pursuing. Then, again Major Macleod estimated the average produce in nuts so high as—

Per coconut tree . . . 48 nuts,

Per arecanut do. . . 200 do.

whereas Special Commissioner Mr. Graeme, who drew up the scheme on which the existing tree assessment is based, accepted as his averages —

Per coconut tree . . . . 2421/32

Per arecanut do. . . . . 15023/64

Starting with these very grave initial errors, Major Macleod endeavoured, by means of the ordinary Parbutty (Parvritty - amsam officer) establishment, to make a fresh revenue survey of the province in the short space of forty days. The time allowed for the purpose was ludicrously insufficient; the establishments employed were underpaid and notoriously corrupt when such a chance was placed within their reach. The natural results followed as a matter of course. The accounts were fabricated, actual produce was over-assessed, produce was assessed that did not exist, and assessments were imposed on the wrong men.

A rigid exaction of the revenue under these inequalities constituted therefore one grand source of complaint. And when to this was added that the ryots, when they paid into the treasuries their full assessments in fanams, were told to their astonishment that, owing to the new rates of exchange, they had not paid enough, the prevalent dissatisfaction very rapidly took shape in organised resistance to the exorbitant demands of Government.

In the early part of 1803, the province rose en masse. To allay the storm which he had roused, and which he felt himself powerless to quell, Major Macleod, after an ineffectual attempt to quiet by a proclamation the people of the south, on the 11th of March 1803 summarily resigned his charge into the hands of Mr. Rickards, the Principal Judge of the Court of Fouzdari Adalat, which had been organised1 at Mahe for the trial of criminal cases in the low-country portions of the province, and Mr. Richards very wisely, pending the orders2of the Government, issued a proclamation3 which had some effect in quieting the rising storm.

NOTEs: 1.Treaties, etc., ii. CCXXXVIII.

2. “The orders of Government confirmed Mr. Rickards’ action in taking charge of the province, and approved the terms of the proclamation mentioned in the text.- (Proclamation of 2nd April 1803).

3. Treaties, etc., ii. CCXL.

He declared his intention to adhere to the demand as fixed by the previously existing revenue survey, and to accept in payment of the demand all the current coins at the previously existing exchange rates.

The dissatisfaction, however, had been gathering head for some months previously, and in spite of the hold which the large body of troops quartered throughout the country had upon it, the insurrection already smouldering very speedily spread. The first overt act occurred at Panamaram (otherwise called Panamarattakotta, or Panamurtha Cotta, or still shorter Panorta Cota, literally the “palmyra tree fort”) in Wynad.

Some five days previous to 11th October 1802, one of the proscribed rebel leaders, Edachenna Kungan, chanced to be present at the house of a Kurchiyan, when a belted peon came up and demanded some paddy from the Kurchiyan. Edachenna Kungan replied by killing the peon, and the Kurchiyars (a jungle tribe) in that neighbourhood, considering themselves thus compromised with the authorities, joined Edachenna Kungan under the leadership of one Talakal Chandu. This band, numbering about 150, joined by Edachenna Kungan and his two brothers, then laid their plans for attacking the military post at Panamaram, held by a detachment of 70 men of the 1st battalion of the 4th Bombay Infantry under Captain Dickenson and Lieutenant Maxwell.

“They first4 seized the sentry’s musket and killed him with arrows. Captain Dickenson killed and wounded with his pistols, bayonet and sword, 15 of the Kurchiyars, 5 of whom are dead and 10 wounded.” The whole of the detachment was massacred, and the rebels obtained 112 muskets, 6 boxes of ammunition and Rs. 6,000. All the buildings at the post were destroyed.

NOTEs: 4. Account received about three weeks later from two spies sent to ascertain the facts. END OF NOTEs

The headquarters and about 360 men of the battalion which had suffered this loss were at the time in cantonment at another fortified place called Poolinjall, a few miles to the west of Panamaram, on the lower slopes of the Balasur mountain peak. But Major Drummond, in command, made no effort to retrieve the disaster ; in fact, as Colonel Wellesley scornfully wrote of him on 3rd November, he remained a kyde1 in his own fort until released by a reinforcement of 5002 men which was despatched to the affected district.

NOTEs: 1. Keidi (Mal.) = Qaidi (Arab.) = prisoner.

2. 300 sepoys from Calicut, 200 Watson's police. END OF NOTEs

This supineness of the military on the spot had its natural effect in rousing the country. And Edachenna Kungan, the hero of the exploit, caused orders to be issued from Pulpalli Pagoda calling the inhabitants to arms. About 3,000 men3 assembled, of whom 500 immediately separated and the rest took post at Vallur Kava, the well known Fish Pagoda close to Manantoddy, at “Motimjarra” on the Karkankotta road, and at Eddapaddy.

NOTEs: 3. Colonel (now Major-General) Wellesley, in a letter of 27th December 1802, puts the number at 5,000, but the number given in the text is in accordance with local information obtained at the time. END OF NOTEs

One of Edachenna Kungan’s brothers with 100 men stationed themselves at the “Pynch” (? Periah) pass and parts adjacent. The Kottiyur pass (Smugglers’ pass) was blocked with trees and 25 men were set to guard it. And various other posts were occupied, extending from Dindimal to the Fish Pagoda. Some of the rebels were armed with matchlocks and muskets, and the rest with bows and arrows, Nayar knives and swords. The southern portion of the taluk had not up to the beginning of November joined the rebels, but the Kuppatode Nayar and two others had done so.

Edachenna Kungan had stationed himself on the route from Mysore to Manantoddy via Karkankotta, and of the detachments which were hurried up both from the coast and from Mysore, that4 coming via Karkankotta experienced the greatest opposition. It was on October 27th met “at Sungaloo on the Bhawully Nullah” by a body of Nayars in a stockaded position which was passed on both flanks. But from there all the way to Manantoddy through a thickly wooded country, it experienced opposition next day with, however, trifling loss.5

NOTEs: 4. First battalion 8th Regiment M.N.I., a party of pioneers, and 200 Mysore horses under Captain Gurnell. - (Wilson’s Hist. Madras Army, Vol. III, pp. 5, 56.)

5. Mysore cavalry killed and 17 horses wounded. The cavalry was found to be of no use in such a jungly country, and was sent back. - (Ibid.) END OF NOTEs

The regiment kept open the communication between the Bhawully river and Manantoddy, but the enemy still hung about the neighbourhood, and about 12th November one of its detachments had a smart skirmish with the enemy, resulting in 9 killed and 18 wounded, at a swamp between these two places. The enemy held an impassable nullah on the road, but a reinforcement arriving from Sungaloo in time, taking the rebel position in rear, discomfited the enemy, of whom many were put to death in the road.

The troops on this occasion were considered by Colonel Wellesley to have “behaved remarkably well”.

Besides the already mentioned reinforcement sent to Major Drummond, other troops were despatched by Colonel Bells from the cantonment at Kuttuparamba to strengthen Manantoddy, Periah and Lakkidikotta, and Colonel Lawrence ascended the ghats with his battalion and pushed on to Manantoddy.

Major Howden, with five companies of sepoys and one of Europeans, likewise marched up the Kuttiyadi pass to act in concert with Colonel Lawrence.

The troops now marched about the country, but could nowhere find the enemy, and on November 5th Colonel Wellesley wrote to Major Macleod that he himself should ascend the ghats, to help the troops and persuade the people to settle down, and on the following day the Government sent him specific orders to the same effect.

Meanwhile the rush of troops into Wynad produced outward tranquillity there, but the growing discontent with Major Macleod’s administration was beginning by December 1802 to make itself felt in the low country. On the 6th of that month the quondam friend and adviser of Colonel Wellesley - Pallur Eman Nayar—finally threw off his disguise and openly joined the party in rebellion, and on the 10th of the month news was reported from Manattana that a baggage and provision escort had been attacked between Kottiyur and the foot of the Smugglers' Pass—in the low country, that is to say.

On December 16th Major Macleod reported from Manantoddy that the number of troops employed was insufficient, that the people would not return to their homes, and it may be noticed in passing that only a day or two previously it had been reported to him that the people of the low country would give no information of the rebel movements. Finally, on 7th January 1803, the rebels had openly taken the field in Kurumbranad, and the people of Payyormala were openly sympathising with them.

In the next two months Major Macleod’s ill-advised innovations had set the whole of the province in a ferment, and his summary resignation of his office in favour of Mr. Rickards, already described, did no more than partially remedy it. In April Edachenna Kungan—"that determined and incorrigible rebel’’ came down from Wynad to assist the Kottayam marauders in an attack on the Palassi post, but they were “discomfited with considerable loss”.

In June the rebellion had extended to Chirakkal, and the armed bands were becoming so bold that they burnt a house within two miles of the Kuttuparamba cantonment. In August the rebel emissaries were in Randattara. In September they were strong enough to risk an engagement between Katirur and Anjarakandi in Kottayam. In November the Chirakkal detachments having been withdrawn to help those in Kottayam, the rebels next concentrated in Chirakkal.

On December 7th parties of the rebels were busy committing depredations at Cannanore, Makreri, Anjarakandi (Mr. Brown’s spice gardens) and at Kodoli, and on December 20th some of them came even as far as Darmapattanam island close to Tellicherry, and did much damage to the property of the peaceably inclined inhabitants.

After this time matters began slowly to improve, for Mr. Rickards, by timely concessions1 to the influential people of South Malabar in the matter of a fair settlement of the revenue, had in March, and again on 20th June 1803, prevented to a great extent the insurrectionary movement from spreading to South Malabar. And the inhabitants of Randattara had likewise in April been quieted by the judicious selection of Mr. Murdoch Brown, of the Anjarakandi spice plantation, to conduct a fresh and moderate revenue2 settlement of that district.

NOTEs: 1. Treaties, etc., ii. CCXL, CCXLII, CCXLIII, and see Appendix XlV.

2. Treaties, etc., ii. CCXLI. END OF NOTEs

The rebels knew that if the people were made contented their cause was lost, and hence the repeated outrages to which this latter district was subjected in the latter part of the year. But the daring exploits of the rebels in venturing close up to, and committing outrages in the immediate vicinity of, the European settlements on the coast necessitated the withdrawal of troops from the inland parts.

Although, therefore, the force3 stationed in the province was large. Colonel Montresor, the officer in command, had to apply in December 1803 for a reinforcement of 5,000 men. The Madras Government was unable to comply with this requisition.

NOTEs: 3. In May 1803—8,147 men, including 3 European regiments. On October 1804— 5,819 men, including 2 European regiments.—(Wilson’s Hist. Madras Army, Vol. Ill, p. 146.) END OF NOTEs

An important change was, however, shortly afterwards made. Service in Malabar, and more especially in the fever-stricken district of Wynad, was very unpopular with the Bombay troops, who were far from their homes and families, and provision for their regular periodical relief, owing to the distance, was also very difficult. Hence the battalions became4 weak and inefficient, and Major-General Wellesley, writing on February 14th, 1804, considered that their relief was “absolutely necessary, both to preserve the peace in Malabar, and to secure the existence of the Bombay army as a respectable body”.

NOTEs: 4. Wilson’s Hist. Madras Army, Vol. Ill, p. 147. END OF NOTEs

In the course of 1804 Madras troops were therefore gradually sent to relieve them, and by the end of that year “a respectable5 body of Madras troops was assembled in Malabar under Lieutenant-Colonel A. Macleod”.

NOTEs: 5. Ibid—The Force consisted of—

A detachment of artillery.

First battalion 7th Regiment.

Second do. 6th do.

First do. do.

" do. 13th do.

" do. 14th do.

" do. do.

" do. Pioneers, besides His Majesty’s 30th Foot, and the

Second do. 1st Regiment. END OF NOTEs

Moreover, in addition to the regular troops, Captain Watson had by this time thoroughly organised his famous “Kolkars” or police, a body of 1,200 men, who rendered most conspicuous services in dealing with the small parties of rebels who infested the low country and laid waste the property of all peaceably disposed persons.

Mr. Thomas Warden had in the early part of 1804 become Principal Collector in succession to Mr. Rickards, and Mr. Warden’s Sub-Collector in charge of North Malabar was Mr. Thomas Harvey Baber, an officer of exceptional energy, to whose personal efforts the final suppression of the rebellion was largely due.

In February 1804 Mr. Baber was busily engaged with the Kolkars in suppressing an extensive rising in the eastern and jungly portion of Chirakkal under the Kalliyad Nambiar and the Palassi (Pychy) Raja’s followers. He found that the Mappillas of Irukkur, Kallayi and Venkat were supplying the rebels with ammunition in exchange for pepper. The rebels were dispersed by the Kolkars, supported by the regular troops under Colonel Montresor.

On April 5th Mr. Baber reported that he had begun a new policy, namely, to hold the people residing in any locality responsible whenever possible, for giving information about, and for withholding succours from, the rebels, And the good effects of this had been proved by sundry rebels having been taken or killed by the people, who had also given up a lot of arms. By June 20th Mr. Baber had succeeded by his personal efforts in dissolving the rebel confederation in Chirakkal ; he restored confidence in the most rebellious tracts, and undermined the influence of the rebel leaders by representing them in the worst light as the enemies of society. He further effected a more complete disarmament of the tract and collected 2,715 muskets, 543 Nayar knives and 1,862 swords besides other articles.

The effect of this energetic action was to circumscribe the disturbed area, and to enable the troops to hold it more in subjection.

Following up the line of policy already adopted in Chirakkal, he next turned his attention to Kottayam, in which, on July 8th, he issued1 a proclamation prohibiting the sale in the bazaars to strangers, without formal sanction, of more than one silver fanam’s worth (about 3 annas 2 pies) of rice and of other articles in proportion. The carrying of articles by any other than the public roads was forbidden to everyone ‘‘on pain of being apprehended and punished as rebels”.

NOTEs: 1: Treaties, etc., ii. CCL. END OF NOTEs

The effect of this, coupled with the vigilance of the Kolkars, was to drive the rebels from the low country into the woods and fastnesses of Wynad, and on 30th January 1804 Colonel Macleod, in command of a portion2 of the Madras force recently imported into the province, proceeded in company with the Principal Collector Mr. Warden, into Wynad, publishing at the same time a proclamation offering - to all but four rebels - a free pardon to all who returned to their homes and peaceably settled down.

The troops marched by way of the Kottiyur (Smugglers’) Pass to Panamaram, where and also at “Velland”, “Koiladdy” and “Kunyote”, fortified posts were constructed. The troops marched into every part of the district and dispersed the rebels, who were put to the greatest straits for the necessary means to prosecute the war.

By the end of April all appearance of opposition had died away, and on May 24th Colonel Macleod issued a further proclamation1 warning those who had previously accepted2 the terms offered that they would be treated as rebels’ if they failed (of which there was already some indication) to give information of rebel movements, and if they furnished the rebel parties with arms, ammunition or provisions. This was, in effect, introducing into Wynad the policy which Mr. Baber had already, with such excellent results, employed in quieting the low country.

NOTEs: Treaties, etc., ii, CCLV

2. The bulk of the inhabitants had accepted the terms. END OF NOTEs

Mr. Warden returned to Calicut and Colonel Macleod to Cannanore in May for the rains, leaving 2,1523 non-commissioned rank and file and Captain Watson with 800 of his Kolkars in the district, all under the orders of Lieutenant-Colonel Innes of the 2nd battalion 1st Regiment.

NOTEs: 3. Distributed amongst eleven posts as follows: 2nd battalion 1st Regiment, 1,000, Pammaram, Koiladdy and Kamyote; 1st battalion 12th Regiment, 308, Matelette, Pullingal, Manantoddy, Lackery; and a havildar's guard (to be relived every third day from Manantoddy) at Sungaloo on the Mysore frontier. - (Wilson's History Madras Army, Vol III, p. 148, foot-note.) END OF NOTEs

In addition to these measures, Colonel Macleod finally on 16th June issued a further proclamation1 offering rewards for the apprehension of twelve persons whose “estates and property” were further “confiscated from this date.” The following is a list of the proscribed rebels and of the rewards offered for their seizure :

PAGODAS

1.Kerala Varma, Palassi (Pychy) Raja 3.000

2.Vira Varma Raja of the same family 1.000

3.Ravi Varma Raja of the same family 1,000

4. Pallur Eman (Colonel Wellesley’s friend) 1,000

5.Pallur Rayrappan (No. 4’s elder brother 300

6. Edachenna Kungan (the hero of the Panamaram massacre) 1,000

7. Edachenna Otena 300

8. Edachenna Komappa 300

9. Edachenna Ammu 300

10. Karverryallay Kannan 300

11. Yogimulla Machan 300

12. Itty Combetta Kelappan Nambiar 833

Directly the Principal Collector and Colonel Macleod quitted Wynad, the rebels, who had held a conference as to their plan of operations, attacked but were beaten off, not, however, without considerable loss,1 from the post of “Churikunjee”, as it is called in the records.

NOTEs: 1. Subbadar and 7 sepoys killed, 17 sepoys wounded. END OF NOTEs

The attack was made by Kurumbars, described as a desperate race of men, who were just beginning to waver in their attachment to the Palassi (Pychy) Raja, and whom the rebel leaders wished by some outrage to commit entirely to the Raja’s side.

On June 11th Mr. Baber reported (with much satisfaction at the good results of his policy) the arrest of three rebel leaders and eight of their followers, by the Kolkars and people of Chirakkal acting in concert. This was followed up very shortly by other similar arrests. And the Palassi (Pychy) Raja himself narrowly escaped on 6th September from falling into the hands of a party of Kolkars despatched from below the ghats by Mr. Warden on receiving authentic information of the Raja having encamped in a pass leading from South Wynad into South Malabar.

The Kolkaras marched all night through the ghats amid rain and leeches, and at 7 a.m. completely surprised the rebel party. They had got within sixty yards of the thatched shed where the Raja was when a Kurumban on guard discovered them, discharged his arrow and gave the alarm. The Raja and others hurried out of the shed and received the fire of the detachment, by which, owing to the quantity of blood afterwards found, it was believed that Pallur Rayrappan had been mortally2 wounded. The Kolkars had a hollow and a difficult piece of jungle to pass through before reaching the shed, and the delay in passing these obstacles favoured the escape of the rebels.

NOTEs: 2. This was afterwards found to be a mistake. END OF NOTEs

Moreover, another detachment of Kolkars, ordered to co-operate with them from the Wynad side, received their orders some hours too late, and were not in the position allotted to them for intercepting the fugitives. Two of the Raja’s attendants were taken ; and 15 good muskets, 4 swords and a large heap of wearing apparel, besides about 500 pagodas worth of gold and silver valuables were captured by the Kolkar party.

But “terrible weather” and “want of cover” had played havoc with the health of the troops and Kolkars stationed in Wynad during the monsoon. Lack of provisions and medical aid had also something to do with it. Out of 1,500 Kolkars who had been in Wynad only five weeks before, only 170 were on the roll for duty on October 18th, - so reported Sub-Collector Pearson, in charge of Wynad, to Mr. Warden on that date. The rebels were consequently again assembling at the Pulpalli temple, and a considerable number of Kurichiyars and Kurumbars, headed by the Raja, and Edachenna Kungan were assembled in the country stretching from Kurchiat by Pakam to Pulpalli.

Mr. Pearson was incapacitated by a fifth attack of fever, and Mr. Baber was consequently asked be exchange duties with him for the present or until further orders.

On November 1st Mr. Baber reported having taken charge of Wynad. He had really joined some days previously, but he had been busy in the interval counteracting a movement of the rebel leaders and their Kurichiyar followers to get the country people who had made their submission, again embroiled. They had required them “to again rise and follow up the injunctions contained in the Niyogyam or address from the Murikan mar or tutelar deities of Wynad.”

The troops and Kolkars had been constantly on the move in consequence, and two encounters had taken place, with a few casualties on both sides. But an important event had happened, for the “notorious Talakal Chandu,” who, under Edachenna Kungan, had led the attack on the Panamaram post on 11th October 1802, was taken prisoner in one of these affairs. His musket had missed fire, and he was seized, but not before he had with his knife wounded one of the cutcherry people.

The next and most important event, of all which virtually terminated the rebellion in Wynad on 30th November 1805, must be told in Mr, Baber’s own words : —

“To the Chief Secretary to Government,

“Fort St. George.

“Sir,—It is with infinite satisfaction that I report to you, for the information of the Right Honourable the Governor in Council, that this forenoon, after having been out 15 hours, I had the good fortune to come up with the Cotiote Kerula Werma Rajah alias the Pyche (Palassi) Rajah and with the assistance of Captain Clapham and 50 sepoys1 and 100 Kolkars, to chastise this rebel chieftain, by destroying him and five of his followers, one of whom was the notorious and proscribed rebel leader of Cotiote (Kottayam), Aralet Cooty Nambiar.

NOTEs: 1. Of the 1st battalion of the 4th Regiment. END OF NOTEs

“A separate party of Kolkars, whom I despatched with the Sheristadar for the purpose of co-operating with me and intercepting any fugitives, were also successful in having captured three elephants, the property of the Pyche (Palassi) Rajah.

“I trust that this notification of an event of such importance to the future prosperity of Malabar and Wynad, will not be the less acceptable to Government, because not conveyed through the proscribed channel of communication. (Signed) T. H. Baber,

“Camp at PULPELLY” Sub-Collector, Northern Divn Malabar.

“30th November 1805.”

“To the Principal Collector,

“Malabar Province.

“SIR,— A severe sickness has till now prevented me from making to you my official report of the fall of the Rebel Chieftain Cotiote Kerula Werma Rajah alias the Pyche Rajah (Palassi Rajah). I have now the honour of doing this, as well as of detailing some few circumstances, to enable you to judge by what means so fortunate and important an event has been accomplished.

“My letter to you of the 1st November last, though written at the commencement of my career in Wynad, would have raised your hopes to expect further success. The seizure of Tallakal Chundoo (Talakal Chandu), though a Courchan (Kurchiyan) was an event which excited the greatest consternation amongst those in rebellion, for such was the consequence of this person that Yadachana Coongan (Edachenna Kungan) is said to have declared (figuratively), that he had lost his right arm. Your injunctions on this occasion were received, and accordingly in the course of a few days the orders were out for a general movement and alteration in the disposition of our military force in Wynad.

“Having obtained this so essential point, I deemed it advisable during the interval that must unavoidably elapse before those arrangements could be carried into effect, to make a tour of the district, that I might be the better enabled to form some certain judgment of the real disposition of the community, and how far I could rely upon them for that co-operation which as liege subjects it was their duty to have afforded me. Throughout the northern and western parts of the district, I found the sentiment in our favour, at the same time a considerable disinclination to afford the smallest information of the Pyche (Palassi) Rajah or his partisans.

This I attribute to the dread which the numerous examples of assassination by the rebels of those who had come forward could not fail of inspiring, which, notwithstanding all our efforts to oppose, they constantly kept alive by small and numerous roving partisans, who had spread themselves all over the country.

“In many, however, I evidently saw a strong inclination to favour the rebel leaders, in particular Yadachau Coongan (Edachenna Kungan), who, with his rebel relations wisely had taken the opportunity, while the Wynad was in exclusive possession of the Pyche (Palassi) Rajah, to connect themselves with principal families in Wynad, who thereby became interested for them, but in all classes, I observed a decided interest for the Pyche (Palassi) Rajah, towards whom the inhabitants entertained a regard and respect bordering on veneration, which not even his death can efface.

“The conduct to be observed towards the most doubtful of those characters it was not difficult to determine on. Something decisive was absolutely necessary ; there was no security while they were living on their estates, and I found no other alternative left me than that of sending out of the district such of those against whom my suspicions were strongest, a determination which, while it was calculated to cut off the rebels from deriving any further support from such able allies, also would have the effect of warning others against imitating their example.

“Having fully conveyed to the inhabitants of the northern and western divisions a full idea of the line of conduct I intended to adopt towards them, I proceeded to fill up all the vacant revenue appointments in order to give due effect to my measures. Written instructions were drawn out for the conduct of these native servants, throughout which I enjoyed the most conciliatory conduct, and having concluded my arrangements I proceeded to the Southern Hobelies of Parakameetil (Parakkumital = South-East Wynad).

“In this division of the country, affairs were a different aspect. Here was no security to be placed in the inhabitants, the most wealthy and numerous of whom were the Chetties and Goundas,—a vile servile race of mortals, who are strangers to every honest sentiment, and whom nothing but one uniform system of severity ever will prevent from the commission of every species of deceit and treachery.

"Although the whole of these had presented themselves at the cutcherry, they had done so from no other impulse than a dread of the consequences of absenting themselves, neither did they thereby throw off their connections with the rebels, for it is notorious that the whole rebel confederacy, with the exception of Coongan’s (Kungan) party, were in Parakametal (Parakkumital) and were being supported and secreted by these very Chetties, after they had received cowle.

“I am fully persuaded also from what transpired in the course of my investigation, that the majority of these Chetties did not present themselves to the cutcherry until they had previously obtained the permission of the Pyche (Palassi) Rajah and Palora Jamen (Pallur Eman), a conduct that will be easily accounted for when it is recollected that the Rajah’s whole reliance for subsistence and information rested in these people.

“The Soodra (Sudra) or Nair (Nayar) part, of the community were more to be depended upon ; there was an honest frankness about them which you could not but admire, and which is a surety that in proportion to our increasing influence, these people will prove themselves worthy of the confidence of Government.

“The Kooramars (Kurumbar), a numerous race of bowmen, by far the most rude of all the Wynadians, had to a man deserted their habitations and estates and betaken themselves to the strongest parts of the country, where they had removed their families and were dragging on a miserable existence, labouring under the dreadful impression that it was the intention of our Government to extirpate their whole race.

"As those people were exclusively under the influence of Palora Jamon (Pallur Eman), it is not difficult to explain whence this unfortunate notion originated ; it is only those who have had a personal opportunity of knowing the extensive abilities and artifices of this man who can justly calculate upon the mischief and dire consequence that must ensue where such qualifications are employed against us.

“This was unfortunately instanced in the Kooramars (Kurumbar), who, from the time of Palora Jamen’s (Pallur Eman’s) defection, had become in a manner desperate; they had been the foremost amongst the rebel ranks, and there is no crime, no species of cruelty and outrage, which they have not committed.

“After this unfavourable description of the southern inhabitants of Wynad, you will judge what were the difficulties to be overcome. I saw that the utmost firmness and vigilance was requisite, at the same time that I deemed the most open and public disclosure of my purposes was more likely to keep in awe those who were wearing the appearance of fidelity as well as to counteract the designs of our open enemies.

“To the Chetties in particular I explained that there were no means I would leave untried to discover their real sentiments, and warned them against giving me the smallest shadow to suspect they were continuing in the rebel interest. For this purpose I employed emissaries in a variety of characters. I made frequent marches by day and night, to the most unfrequented parts of the country, and by degrees obtained such a knowledge of the inhabitants that, fearful lest their shallow artifices would sooner or later be known, they began evidently to alter their conduct and on some instances they came forward with information.

“The rebels saw this change that was being effected, and suspecting a continuance in Parakameetil (Parakkumital) would expose them to danger, they by degrees emigrated1 towards the eastern extremities of Wynad, and one march I made after the Rajah while residing at Cooreheat (Kurchiyat) and which would have succeeded but for the treachery of my guide, a Chetty, drove them entirely out of the southern division.

NOTEs: 1. The Principal Collector was also, as already related, in receipt of authentic intelligence from below the ghats, and the narrow escape the Palassi Raja then had must also have acted us inducement to move eastward. Pearson before Baber’s arrival also reported the Palassi Raja as being about Pulpally. END OF NOTEs

"As the great engine of success against an enemy is depriving him of his means of subsistence, my thoughts were naturally directed to this point. As I before said, the Chetties were the media through whom these were principally drawn ; these people, to further those their views, had removed their families into Mysore in the villages of Poonat, Pootoor, Kakanabetta, etc., whither they had free egress and regress ; and from whence it was no difficult matter to draw such supplies as Wynad could not provide.

"They had established an intercourse by these means with the Mysoreans, whom they supplied with ghee and grains of different sorts, and in return received coconuts, oil, salt and other articles necessary for subsistence; in removing their families from Wynad they had a variety of objects, one of which was to secure them against any of those consequences which they naturally apprehended from their own dishonest and perfidious pursuits ; another was a safe asylum in the event of discovery.

“The rebels had now confined themselves to the Wynad Hobali and had entire possession of the eastern frontier, by which they were enabled to profit by this understanding between the Mysoreans and Wynad Chetties free of any molestation whatever. After this statement, it will not be extraordinary that I should have pursued the most effectual means to cut off the destructive commerce.

“I wrote, therefore, to the Resident at Mysore fully on the subject, and requested his co-operation to that extent as should to him appear judicious and expedient ; the result of this application was a perfect compliance with my wishes : all the inhabitants of Wynad then in Mysore were ordered to be seized and proclamation made prohibiting, under severe penalties, the passage of any articles whatever without a passport from the officers of the Honourable Company or of Mysore. Major Wilkes went further, so earnest was he in forwarding the public service, that he offered to meet me on the frontier should I deem a personal conference as promising still further advantages.

“From this time, the rebels began to experience the miseries of want, and their supporters, the Chetties, to be sensible that a perseverance in their conduct would only entail disgrace and ruin upon themselves and families. Still I found that they paid deaf ear to all our promises of protection and thundering declarations against the rebels, all of which the inhabitants considered and with great reason, as so many vauntings, for with all our means our forces, our resources, our reiterated offers of reward, we had not succeeded in apprehending any one rebel of consequence. It became, therefore, an object of the first importance to direct our views to this one subject, and which, now the rebels were confined to one part of the country, was become the more necessary, since matters were brought into that train as to afford every reasonable hope of success.

“As the rebels had entirely fled into the Wynad Hobali, I deemed it necessary to go in quest of them without loss of time ; having, therefore, made my arrangements at Ganapady Watton (Ganapativattam—Sultan’s Battery), I proceeded to Panarote Cotta (Panamaratta Kotta) and there solicited of Colonel Hill, a detachment lightly equipped to accompany me. A detachment of 200 men was in consequence held in readiness, and on the (blank) Lieutenant-Colonel Hill with 3 officers, accompanied by myself and 200 of the police, marched to Pulpally (Pulpalli).

“Nothing material happened on the road ; not a single inhabitant was to be seen, although many of them had presented themselves some months previous to the officer of Government. But it was not to be surprised at ; they were principally Chetties, conscious of the double part they were acting ; they had fled to the mountains, and many of them with their families were followers of the Rajah and his leaders.

“A few movements of our troops soon brought the inhabitants to a sense of their own interest ; they had been driven from mountain to mountain, their jungly huts were destroyed, their families were reduced to the greatest distress. They had seen with surprise that no injury was offered to their habitations or cultivations and they began now to conceive the idea that we were as ready to protect as we were powerful to punish them. I soon learned this their situation, and as they had been so situated as not to derive the smallest support from our Government, I conceived they merited our most favourable consideration as it was possible they might have been compelled to have espoused the rebel interest. I, therefore, sent them invitations to come in, by which I hoped not only to induce them to throw off all their connection with the rebels and become good subjects, but to obtain from them that information which I know they must possess of the rebel retreats.

“The invitations were accepted, and in the course of a few days most of the inhabitants within several miles of Pulpally (Pulpalli) had made their submission to me.

“From the time of my arrival at Pulpally (Pulpalli) scarcely a day passed without some movement of their sepoys or Kolkars, and the natural result was frequent skirmishes with parties of the rebels, in all of which we invariably obtained a superiority, having shot or taken several prisoners.

“Having said thus much of the plan of operations that had been adopted, I now come to those which terminated the career of the Pyche (Palassi) Chieftain.

“I before said that one of my objects by getting in the inhabitants of Pulpally (Pulpalli) was to obtain accurate information of the rebels. This I did not think prudent to commence upon too early lest they should take the alarm. I preferred trying all my persuasive means to gain their confidence and to wean them from these their connections.

"For this purpose, I had them constantly before me and took every opportunity of representing the folly of countenancing a body of men so truly contemptible, and who had no other end than to involve them in one common ruin. I pointed to them in the strongest colours the power and lenity of the British Government, and at last, what with exhortations and occasional presents, had succeeded in inducing several of those, who had been of most essential service to the Rajah’s party, to send their Paniars (Paniyar — agricultural labourers) out in quest of information.

“I took the precaution of swearing all whom I employed to secrecy. With many agents I could not fail of success in some one of them. On the 30th ultimo, three of them at last brought me intelligence of the Pyche (Palassi) Rajah and all the rebel leaders, with the exception of Palora Jamen (Pallur Eman) being then in the opposite side of the Kangura river, a short distance in Mysore, and this so unequivocally that I determined to act upon it.

"I accordingly requested of Lieutenant-Colonel Hill to assist me with 50 sepoys and an officer, with which force and about 100 Kolkars, half Captain Watson’s police, half my own locals, I marched at nine o’clock at night, and such was the secrecy in which we set off that our guides even did not know my intention until the moment we took our departure.

“Previous to this, I had deemed it expedient to make a feint to divert the attention of the rebels (who I thought it probable might have their spies in camp) by detaching 70 of my Kolkars, under the Sheristadar, under the pretext of going in pursuit of Palora Jamon (Pallur Emanl), who was reported to be in the Komanpany Mala in the south-eastern direction, while they had secret instructions after marching half-way to this mountain to strike off eastward to the Kallir mountain and there lay in ambush near to paths to cut off the retreat of any fugitives who would, in most probability, go off in that direction in the event of our party coming up with the rebels.

“Such was the nature of the country that, although we kept marching the whole night, we did not reach the Kangara river until seven the following morning. Here we divided ourselves into two parties, and proceeding along the banks observed a vast number of huts, all of them bearing every appearance of recent habitation : we continued marching until nine o’clock when the detachment being fatigued, a halt was proposed.

"We accordingly halted, and having taken some refreshment, we again started, with the determination of tracing every jungly path—so fully persuaded was I, as well from the earnestness of our guides as the consideration that this was a part of Mysore that our troops had at no time penetrated or perhaps even thought of doing, that the rebels must be concealed in some part of these jungles.

“After proceeding about a mile and a half through very high grass and thick teak forests into the Mysore country, Charen (Cheran) Subedar of Captain Watson’s armed police, who was leading the advanced party, suddenly halted, and beckoning to me, told me he heard voices. I immediately ran to the spot, and having advanced a few steps, I saw distinctly to the left about ten persons, unsuspecting of danger, on the banks of the Mavila Toda, or nulla to our left.

“Although Captain Clapham and the sepoys, as well as the greater part of the Kolkars, were in the rear, I still deemed it prudent to proceed, apprehensive lest we should be discovered and all hopes of surprise thereby frustrated. I accordingly ordered the advance, which consisted of about thirty men, to dash on, which they accordingly did with great gallantry, with Charen (Cheran) Subedar at their head. In a moment, the advance was in the midst of the enemy, fighting most bravely. The contest was but of short duration. Several of the rebels had fallen, whom the Kolkars were despatching, and a running fight was kept up after the rest- till we could see no more of them.

“Just at this time, a firing was heard to the right ; was accordingly returned, when we saw the sepoys and Kolkars engaged with fresh body of rebels, who proved to be Coongan’s (Kungan’s) party, but who fled after a few shots had been fired at them, and, though pursued, were seen nothing more of. From one of the rebels of the first party to the left., whom I discovered concealed in the grass, I learnt that the Pyche (Palassi) Rajah was amongst those whom we first observed on the banks of the nulla, and it was only on my return from the pursuit that I learnt that the Rajah was amongst the first who had fallen.

“It fell to the lot of one of my cutcherry servants, Canara Menon, to arrest the flight of the Rajah, which he did at the hazard of his life (the Rajah having put his musket to his breast), and it is worthy of mention that this extraordinary personage, though in the moment of death, called out in the most dignified and commanding manner to the Menon, ‘not to approach and defile his person.’

“Aralat Cootty Nambiar, the only one remaining of those rebels proscribed by Colonel Stevenson, and a most faithful adherent of the Rajah, made a most desperate resistance, but at last fell overpowered by the superior skill of one of the Parbutties (Pravritti) in Wynad ; four other followers of the Rajah were also killed, two taken prisoners together with the Rajah's Lady1 and several female attendants.

NOTEs: 1. Niece of the Payyormala Nayar. END OF NOTEs

“There was no other property discovered, but a gold Cuttarum (Katharam or Kattaram—dagger) or knife and a waist-chain— the former I have now in my possession, the latter I presented to Captain Clapham. And from the accounts of the Rajah’s Lady, they had been reduced to the greatest distresses, in particular for the last ten days. The Rajah’s body was taken up and put into my palanquin, while the lady, who was dreadfully reduced from sickness, was put into Captain Clapham’s. Finding any further pursuit of the rebels useless, we made a disposition of our forces and returned to Chomady, which we reached about six in the afternoon without having met with any further occurrences on the road.

“The following day the Rajah’s body was despatched under a strong escort to Manantoddy, and the Sheristadar sent with it with orders to assemble all the Brahmins and to see that the customary honours were performed at his funeral. I was induced to this conduct from the consideration that, although a rebel, he was one of the natural chieftains of the country, and might be considered on that account rather as a fallen enemy. If I have acted unjudiciously, I hope some allowances will be made for my feelings on such an occasion.

“Thus terminated the career of a man who has been enabled to persevere in hostilities against the Company for near nine years, during which many thousand valuable lives have been sacrificed and sums of money beyond all calculation expended.

“Notwithstanding that every effort of moderation and lenity was pursued towards the Rajah, nothing could get the better of his natural restlessness and ferocity of disposition, which, aided by the evil counsels of his advisors, impelled him to the most desperate acts and produced an infatuation which rendered him insensible to the dictates of humanity or reason. His annihilation became necessary for the stability and security of the Government and its subjects. While this severe necessity existed, the recollection of the services he has performed during the infancy of our Government cannot but inspire us with a sentiment of regret that a man so formed should have pursued a conduct that should have thrown so insuperable a bar to all kind of accommodations. To temporise further than was done would have been to yield, and to have yielded would have afforded a precedent which might have been fatal to the British Government in India.

“But it will not be necessary for me to enlarge to you, who are so well acquainted with this chieftain’s history, on the leading features of so extraordinary and singular a character. The records of India and England will convey to posterity a just idea of him.

“Where the conduct of all was so generally satisfactory, it would be an invidious distinction to mention individuals at the same time. I should be wanting in justice to Charen (Cheran), the Subodar, were I to pass over unnoticed his gallantry and judgment on the present as well as on all former occasions, nor is Caranakara (Karunakara) Menon less entitled to my approbation for his activity, courage and attachment which I have experienced for six years.

“Nothing more remains to give due effect to our Government in Wynad but the extirpation of the remaining rebel leaders—one of the most formidable, the proscribed Jadachana Jamoo (Edachenna Ammu), has already fallen. Since my departure for the coast, by the activity and intrepidity of the Pooluyal Parbutty (Pravirtti) several advantages have been obtained, and I anticipate as soon as I can return to the upper country a speedy termination to the career of the remainder.

“I am, Sir, etc.,

“Cannanore, (Signed) T. H. Baber,

“13th December 1805. Sub-Collector.

“Five elephants, a small quantity of sandalwood, and several copper pots, the property of the Rajah, have been discovered and taken at different times. I beg to recommend their immediate sale and that the proceeds be distributed for the benefit of the captors.

“(Signed) T. H, Baber,

“Sub-Collector.”

The other rebel leaders were shortly afterwards all accounted for. Edachenna Kungan, being sick and unable to escape, committed suicide to prevent himself from falling alive into the hands of a party sent in pursuit of him. Pallur Rayrappan was in January 1808 overtaken on a mountain belonging to the Tirumalpad of Nilambur, who had been privy to the rebel’s retreat and had sent men to assist him. He made a desperate resistance before he fell, and mortally wounded, it was feared, one of his captors. His brother Pallur Eman, the friend of Colonel Wellesley, was captured, and with many other rebels was deported to Prince of Wales’ Island in 1806.

The two junior Rajas of the Palassi (Pychy) family had, previously to the Raja’s death, fled to the southward to the protection of the Raja of the Padinyaru (western) branch of the Zamorin’s house, who had been permitted as a favour1 to reside at Kalladikod. The place was searched and the arms of the rebel party were found. The Raja was made a prisoner and sent to the fortress of Dindigul and his house was completely demolished. He died without a trial on 3rd March 1806. Mr. Warden held2 out, after the Palassi (Pychy) Raja’s death, an offer of pardon to the two Rajas who had thus been sheltered at Kalladikod, and they appear to have accepted.

NOTEs: 1. Treaties, etc., ii. CLXXXVI.

2. Treaties, etc., ii. CCLVII. END OF NOTEs

Mr. Baber received the thanks of Government for his services, and a donation of 2,500 pagodas.