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Let me now take up a very intriguing feature seen all around the book, Malabar, where the text has been evidently written or edited or doctored by the Nayars and certain others.

This feature element is this: In almost all locations, where the Thiyyas are mentioned, very evident interest has been shown to mix them up with the Ezhavas of Travancore, and also with many of the very low-castes of Malabar.

Before moving ahead on this route, I would like to mention a few things about Ezhavas. The fact is that until around 1975, when my family moved to Travancore area, I do not think anyone in our family had any information on a caste known as Ezhava. This does not mean that no one in Malabar was ignorant of them. For, there is an Ezhava temple at Tellicherry known as the Jagadnath Temple. Beyond that there are several SN Colleges and other institutions run by the SNDP, which is the leadership organisation of the Ezhavas of Travancore.

The first impression of the Ezhavas of Alleppy was the terrific darkness of their skin complexion. I think it was a very conspicuous item for the individuals who came from Malabar then. As of now, this skin complexion difference has vanished much due to the mixing of populations.

Later on, on getting to know more about the Travancore, it was found that the Ezhavas were in themselves a mixed population, with many individuals fair, some of mixed complexion and some quite dark complexioned. However, they were not at all similar to the Thiyyas of Malabar, especially of north Malabar.

The north Malabar Thiyyas were generally fair, if they were not from the labour class. Labour class persons generally had a darker skin complexion that they had acquired due to constant exposure to the sun. However, it would be clearly noticeable that skin-colour did not have much connection to intellectual and cultural content.

Image of an ordinary North Malabar Thiyya man who was born when Malabar had been British Malabar

A mental quality known as ‘inferiority complex’ or a mood to retract from it using powerful props, was seen in the Thiyyas of the lower classes in north Malabar. I cannot say much about the Thiyyas of South Malabar, who actually were a different population group different from the North Malabar Thiyyas. I do not have much personal experience with them. The higher class north Malabar Thiyyas were quite developed and fashionable. However they also had the same repulsive feelings for the lower-class Thiyyas, as had the higher castes. These repulsions are encoded in the word-codes.

Thiyyas themselves used derogatory words about other Thiyyas. That is, words like Chekkan (lower grade male), Pennu (lower grade female), etc. The point here is that there had been occasions when the Thiyya working class had mentioned objection to the use of these words about them by the richer classes /castes or by the Mappilla rich.

From the inferiority complex sense, the Ezhavas did have more reason for that. For, till 1947, they were more or less kept out of so many statutory rights and functions which were then available to the Thiyyas of Malabar. However, that was due to the English rule in Malabar.

As to the skin complexion issue, it is true that in the Subcontinent, in many locations, a dark skin colour is seen as a negative attribute. However, in Tamilnadu, the people are mostly quite dark. They do not seem to have any inferiority complex due to this, unless they are purposefully compared with a fair-complexioned person. Yet, there also, film starts and successful political leaders have tried to don a fair-skin complexion.

Maybe if the Englishmen had been dark-complexioned, there would have been more appreciation for this skin-colour. For, then, higher quality human attributes like fair-play, honesty, rectitude, sense of commitment, chivalrous mental attribute, English Classics &c. which are generally seen as associated with native-English common standards would have been connected to dark-skin.

However, as of now, in most themes connected to all kinds of heritage and antiquity of the land, the dark-skin complexion is seen mentioned as connected to diabolic and wicked entities. Even in the puranas (epics) of the northern parts of the subcontinent, the heroes (such as Sri Rama) are seen shown as fair in colour. There is another divinity Sri Krishna. By various descriptions, this divine personage should be of dark skin-complexion. However, in almost all pictorial depictions, Sri Krishna is seen as of blue-skin colour. The dark-skin element is avoided.

Speaking about the Thiyyas, there is this thing also to be mentioned. In the Tellicherry location, due to the close connection with English administration and also due to the terrific sense of freedom and social eminence that perched upon the Thiyyas there, corresponding higher features appeared on their personality.

It is simply a matter of a person who had been in the lower indicant word definition suddenly rising up to the higher indicant word definition. It is a social machinery work. That of an ‘Oan ഓൻ’ (Avan അവൻ in Malayalam) population rising to a ‘Oar ഓര്’ (Avar അവര്/ Adheham അദ്ദേഹം in Malayalam) population.

Persons who rise higher in the verbal codes generally display a more softer demeanour and a fairer (or less dark) skin complexion. Learning English also makes a person much softer. It gets reflected in the next generation.

However, this is a comparison of two different population groups, for which actually there is no need for any kind of comparison. For, historically there is no connection between them. There would be practically no family connection other than those achieved by the means of caste-jumping. Caste-jumping is done by any lower caste to a higher or more attractive caste, the moment they relocated to a new location. I have mention about this earlier.

For instance, I have found Ezhavas in Malabar who go about mentioning that they are Thiyyas. However, generally their dark-skin complexion will lend a clue that they have simply changed their caste.

Now, how the Ezhavas came to get connected to the Thiyyas and vice versa might be a very interesting bit of information.

This book, Malabar, in all its positions, other than in the history part written directly by Logan (connected to the written Log book records of the English Factory at Tellicherry), has tried to establish a total connection between the Ezhavas and Thiyyas. However, there is no evidence of any direct intervention by the Ezhava vested-interests in this regard. In fact, there is ample feeling that the Nayars did the work, which the Ezhava leadership sort of desired, on their own.

Since I do not have any historical records with me regarding the origin of the Ezhavas population in Travancore, I will have to take as much as possible from such books as Travancore State Manual, Native Life in Travancore, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Omens and Superstitions of Southern India etc.

The general talk is that the Ezhava came from the Ceylon Island (current-day Sri Lanka). If that is true, then their ancestors are Sinhalese. Traces of Sinhalese language might be found in the Ezhava ancestry. However, the general feeling of Travancore way back in 1970s onward that I personally felt was that the place had a linguistic antiquity of Tamil. The discussion on the languages of the three components of current-day Kerala has to be taken up separately. I will leave that here.

However, it must be mentioned that the Thiyyas of north Malabar did have a language right from the ancient times. This is seen reflected in the Thottam chollal (ritualistic chanting) (തോറ്റം ചൊല്ലൽ) of the Muthappan Theyyams, Vellattaam and Thiruvappana.

Now, if the ancestry mentioned above is correct, Ezhavas are not connected to the Brahmanical religion. They are not any kind of Hindus, as understood by the Brahmanical spiritual belief systems.

QUOTE: The residents about the Guruvayur temple are chiefly the higher classes of Hindus, viz.. Brahmans and Nayars END OF QUOTE.

The reality of Hindu religion is that it is basically the religion of the Brahmans.

In Native Life in Travancore, there is mention of two of their deities or entities to whom they do worship. That is the Madan and Marutha. And also of Bhadrakali, Shastavu and Veerabhadran. There might be others also. There is no mention of any Thiyya deity in their worship system mentioned anywhere.

In the Castes and Tribes of Southern India by E Thurston, I have found it mentioned or hinted at that many of the subordinated castes did try their level best to claim some kind of connection to the Brahmans. This is not a surprising thing. In fact, even now all persons try to mention some connection to a higher-placed government official or doctor or political leader. If there are nondescript persons in their relationships, they conveniently forget or refuse to mention them. Word codes would get pulled to the heights or lowliness, depending on who it is that one mentions as a relative.

The same is the case with mentioning antiquity. No caste or population would mention any hint of a connection to a lower-placed population. For, a mere mention is enough to degrade the individual in the verbal codes. This is the location where the Ezhavas admits their lowliness compared to the Thiyyas. It might not be real. However, position-wise the Thiyyas were under the English in the 1800s. While the Ezhavas were still under the Nayars.

The Ezhavas were not directly under the Brahmins. They were under the Nayars who were themselves under a number of levels of Ambalavasis, who were under a number of levels of Brahmins.

Being under the English was like standing on the mountain-top. Being under the Nayars, defined by them as Nee, Avan, Aval, Cherukkan, Pennu, Chovvan, Kotti etc. was like standing under some abominable dirt. This was the desperation that possibly made the Ezhavas to claim that they are Thiyyas in north Malabar.

A claim to sameness and similarity between the Ezhavas and the Thiyyas was done due to the fact that both were under the same name caste; that is ‘Nayars’. However the former was under the Travancore Nayars, and the Marumakkathaya Thiyyas were under the North Malabar Nayars. I have no idea about the social standing between the Nayars and the Thiyyas of North Malabar, traditionally. However, it is seen mentioned that in the Panappayatt (പണപ്പയറ്റ്) programmes, there was interaction between the Nayars and the Thiyyas in North Malabar. I have no information about this in South Malabar.

This is the way this Panappayatt has been mentioned in this book, Malabar: QUOTE: CHANGHGATIKKURI KALYANAM - It is not, it appears, confined to people of the same caste, but the association was often composed of Nayers, Tiyars and Mappilas END OF QUOTE

I do not know what the standing between the Ezhavas of Travancore and the Nayars there, was. It is seen mentioned in Native Life in Travancore that: QUOTE: In some temples and ceremonies, as at Paroor, Sarkarei, &c., they closely associate with the Sudras (Nayars). END OF QUOTE

In North Malabar also, in the various interior Nair household temple, their dependent Thiyyas and other castes like the Malayans are known to have collaborated in the temple rituals. However, I feel these Thiyyas and Malayans would be those who stood as the dependents of those households.

One of the main differences between the North Malabar Thiyyas and the Ezhavas of Travancore mentioned very much is that the former was following Marumakkathaya (matriarchal) family system, while the latter was following Makkathaya (patriarchal) family system. However, in the case of the Ezhavas, it is found that this has not always been the case. There was some kind of influence of matriarchal system among a few of their families also.

It might be possible that some kind of matriarchal influence has entered into the social stream of certain populations. There is no historical record seen mentioned in any other books I have mentioned as to how this entered.

As to there being similarities and differences between any particular caste or population group, well, if one were to go through the Castes and Tribes of Southern India by E. Thurston, it is seen that there are a lot of similarities and common heritages among so many different population groups who lived in the various locations of the Subcontinent. The most powerful common string that connected all of them was the more or less similar kind of feudal content or hierarchy in most of the local languages of the subcontinent.

Language is a powerful society designing factor. It has the power to design both human behaviour pattern as well as human relationship strings.

However, the issue remains that the Thiyya of north Malabar had no social or traditional connections with the Ezhavas of Travancore. It is the Ezhavas who insists on this connection. Why they should insist this during the English rule time might have been a desperation to place themselves at a higher plane. For in the English-ruled Malabar, the Thiyyas were higher placed. But then, that is not the reason why the Ezhava insists on such a connection now.

As of now, it is a big political leadership issue. The Ezhava leadership has spread its tentacles all throughout the Malabar region. A disconnection from the Thiyya population would mean the erasing up of this leadership and the loss of followers.

Otherwise, there is no conceivable reason to claim an attachment. For currently the Ezhavas do not have any need for any kind of inferiority vis-a-vis the Thiyyas. In fact, in many locations in Malabar, it is the Thiyya populations who are desperately in need of social enhancement. This is slightly connected to the fact that with the formation of Kerala, there was a complete shift of focus to Travancore. The Malabar systems created by the English-rule went into disarray and oblivion. However, that is another theme which would need a lot of words to describe.

Now, coming back to the English-rule period in Malabar, and to the period of the Travancore kingdom, it is true that the Ezhava populations of Travancore were quite a suppressed lot.

Now, let me look at the Thiyya population of Malabar. The English administration had a tough time to understand the Thiyya populations, when the two Malabars, north and south, were amalgamated to form a single district. The young English / British officials, who came to work in the judiciary as judicial officers, or as administrators, were at first quite confused about this Thiyya content.

It took them some time to understand the issue. With the setting-up of a formal judiciary, all kinds of populations who had been traditionally dependent on the thraldom of their village / panchayat headmen or higher castes were suddenly liberated. A terrific feeling came about that everyone were equal in the eyes of the law.

It is true that the novelty soon wore off. For, the succeeding generations did not quite appreciate the fact that just one generation back, their parents were mere nonentities with bare right to any kind of social or personal dignity.

The social changes as well as the connection between two distinct geographical regions which had totally different family systems as well as population groups led to so many new enterprises and relationships, as well as to financial connections between individuals.

In many of the administrative and judicial codes, the English rule did not want to upset any applecart. Actually, they more or less only codified the social codes of inheritance and such things already in existence in the land. However, when judicial cases went into adjudication, there was terrific confusion, in the case of the Thiyyas. It was seen that the Thiyyas had two mutually opposite customs with regard to inheritance and to family relationship. And then a more profound information arrived that the two Thiyyas were different from each other. One of them, actually declaring some sort of a repulsion for the other.

Now, it may seem that the Marumakkathaya Thiyyas were presuming some kind of superiority over the Makkathaya Thiyyas. However, in a deeper analysis, the Makkathaya family system was a more stable and sensible kind of family system. Then why the Marumakkathaya Thiyyas acted superior is not known. Or is it possible that the Makkathaya Thiyyas also had a superiority complex, but were not bothered much about the Marumakkathaya aversion to them?

Whatever it is, the English officials were soon forced to understand the term ‘Thiyya’ represented two different castes or population groups.

Now, there was another complication in the social system. That was the entry of Ezhavas into many locations in Malabar via various routes.

It is quite obvious that the Nayars were totally unnerved by the possibility that the Thiyyas would soon occupy much of their positions, in the newly emerging English rule. Even the Calicut king’s family members must have been terrified. For, they had been reduced to mere pensioners of the English East India Company. Actually the English Company came to take-over the power of the king due to the fact that the different members of the king’s family were continually in a mood for fights against each other and mutiny against the king.

It is seen mentioned that even the Calicut king’s officials (must be Nayars) used to designate the Thiyyas as Ezhavas in their official record. Even though Calicut was in south Malabar, with the unification of both North Malabar and South Malabar, the official records of Calicut seems to have had its bearing upon North Malabar.

Edgar Thurston does mention that whatever way the Thiyyas object to being defined as Ezhavas, the king’s officials would not change the description. This was their way to sort of control an emerging population. That is, by identifying them with a population which was seen as outcastes in Travancore Kingdom.

However, I have to mention that Edgar Thurston’s writings have been doctored then and there itself. I could feel this same issue with the Thiyya identity in the different parts of his huge 7-volume book. There is sharp difference in the way the Thiyya identity is mentioned in different parts of the book. So as to give a feel that the different parts of the books have been filled by information from different and mutually antagonistic sources.

In some locations, for instance, the Volume 7 of Castes and Tribes of Southern India, the plight of the Thiyyas of north Malabar is mentioned in that they do not accept that they are Ezhavas or that the Ezhavas are Thiyyas. However, the officials of the king of Calicut, which is in South Malabar would go on insisting that they are Ezhavas. And they have no way out of this quandary. May be the king’s officials are focusing on the Makkathaya Thiyyas of South Malabar, but in the newly emerging confusion, there is no way out of this false identification.

But then, from my personal instinct, I feel that the South Malabar Thiyyas are also not Ezhavas. Who they are I do not know.

There is a book of ‘history’ that is seen quoted all over this book, Malabar. That is Keralolpathi. It is a book written with certain meticulously planned aims. The history it provides could be false, but then a lot of historical incidences have been placed inside the book to give it a feel of authenticity.

The history of this subcontinent till the advent of the English is similar to a history of a colony of ants. This leader fought with that. Then another leader fought from the west. Then the south and east joined together and entered the location and massacred the ants therein, and took many as slaves. Then a religious leader came and converted some to his religion. Then communal fights. There is nothing more to record or write.

Actually in those times, events practically repeated. But then there are slow changes in the population groups. Yet, everything changed totally with the advent of the English rule. It is from here that actually the history of Malabar starts. But this is also the part of formal history that is simply dismissed by dismal words like English colonialism, English looting, Freedom fights etc.

There is enough content in the English rule period to write volumes. On how innumerable populations groups living in mutual terror, antipathy and frequent fights and massacres were rearranged into a decent social system and nation. And how a bloody idiot in England again handed the whole location to a group of low-quality self-serving politicians, who literally overran the subcontinent and occupied all the independent kingdoms. 10 lakh (1 million) people died almost within weeks or months of this monstrous treachery).

I have seen young people speak in great admiration for the so-called great freedom fighters who killed the Englishmen. The truth of the matter is that these youngsters like the looks of the ‘freedom fighters’ in the books and films. However, they would not go anywhere near a group of common people in their own nation. They detest the common Indians, who appear on the roads in real life. However, in the virtual world of fake story films, the great fighters look quite a splendid group.

These young persons, who have great admiration for their own nation and nationals, would all love to run off to native-English nations.

Now, I think I have given enough background to take quotes from the book, Malabar from which one can sense out the antipathy the Nayars seems to have had towards the Thiyyas, especially of North Malabar.

But before going into that there are certain things that have to be mentioned about what has been deliberately missed out in this book.

As an keen observer on human reactions to feudal language codes, I have sort of developed an idea as to what to look for in all descriptions on human interactions and social links. The moment a social system speaks a particular language, there are certain very clearly predictable manners in which the individuals behave. For, they are all infected with certain specific terrors or relief from terrors.

The setting up of a very placid state of social system under an egalitarian language, under the English administration would create a lot of heartburns, in many layers of the social system. If the society was in a condition of continual fights and killings and hacking and such things, there would not be much time to ponder on these things. People simply endure the terror and the time passes on.

However, when the society becomes quite peaceful, and an egalitarian language is slowly changing the landscape of the social system into a planar form, there is time for everyone in every layer to ponder on what would be the outcome. Their most terrible terror is the possibility of individuals who had been considered as their inferiors coming up on top. Even though the egalitarian language English is what makes this happen, the social system and social communication is still in the feudal language.

When the relative stature of each individual changes, the words form for You, Your, Yours, He, His, Her, She, Her, Hers, They, Their, Theirs &c. will change in the case of each individual human-link. Persons who cannot be addressed by name by someone may arrive at a location where he can be very casual called by name by this very person. There are terrors, which cannot be imagined by a native-English person, in feudal languages.

This is the information that makes me look deeper into descriptions. I had an overwhelming hunch that something of this sort would be there in this book, as I slowly started moving through the book.

I did find many things. I will deal with them one by one. However, here I would like to mention what was missing.

In this whole book, there is a complete blackout of the Thiyya population. It need not be that curious in that the Thiyyas come below the Nayars, and were more or less a lower caste.

However, Edgar Thurston does give some very glorifying words about at least a section of the Thiyyas of north Malabar. One is that some of them were extremely fair in skin complexion. This is a high premium statement in a land that prizes fair skin-complexion.

There is another quote of William Logan, which I found in Edgar Thurston’s Castes and Tribes of Southern India:

QUOTE: There are, in North Malabar, many individuals, whose fathers were European. Writing, in 1887, concerning the Tiyan (Thiyya) community, Mr. Logan states * that ** the women are not as a rule excommunicated if they live with Europeans, and the consequence is that there has been among them a large admixture of European blood, and the caste itself has been materially raised in the social scale. In appearance some of the women are almost as fair as Europeans.” On this point, the Report of the Malabar Marriage Commission, 1894, states that “ in the early days of British rule, the Tiyan women incurred no social disgrace by consorting with Europeans, and, up to the last generation, if the Sudra girl could boast of her Brahmin lover, the Tiyan girl could show more substantial benefits from her alliance with a white man of the ruling race. END OF QUOTE.

The above is also another terror looming ahead on the social horizon for the Nayars. For, they are the caste just above the Thiyyas. The Brahmins were on top and more or less the landed gentry. The Nayars were the supervisor castes for the higher castes. It goes without saying that if the Thiyyas rise up, they would most probably replace them in many official positions.

As to the English officials, they were going ahead with a social egalitarian policy without any keen understanding of how it is going to hurt the Nayar caste individuals. For, the language is terribly feudal. It is so terrible a thing, that in the native-English nations, many local citizens who can barely understand these languages have gone berserk and committed Gun Violence crimes in a mood of unexplainable insanity, when effected by the negative codes of feudal languages.

What the Nayars feared did happen. From the latter part of the 1800s, the Thiyyas started appearing inside the administrative set up, with some of them becoming sub-magistrates and Deputy District Collectors inside Madras Presidency.

English education was lifting up a small percentage of the Thiyyas.

There is a wider information that can be mentioned about this eventuality. However, it is out of context here.

But then, there is another bit of information that can be mentioned here. That is, this social enhancement of a small section of the Thiyya caste was not a welcome event for at least some of the Thiyya caste leadership. This contention I am mentioning without any record or evidence in my possession. I simply rely here on my impressionistic approach to history, based on my understanding as to how individuals react to social changes in a feudal language social system.

This is a theme I will take up later.

It may be true that in the subcontinent, many of the lower castes are not actually Hindus, even though they all are categorised as such. This does not matter for most persons. For, everyone is more or less totally engrossed in keeping the various terrors of living in India at bay. Every individual is now totally focused on his or her own social or political leadership or in his or her job. Losing out to others can be dangerous.

There was and is an understated spiritual culture of Shamanism in this subcontinent. However, all these shamanistic spiritual system may not be from the same route or focus. Nayars have their own traditional temples wherein Shamanistic practises are going on. Their Shamanistic deities might include Kuttichathan, Gulikan, Paradevatha, Asuraputra and Chamundi.

The north Malabar Thiyyas have Muthappan and some other deities. The lower castes like the Pulaya, Pariah etc. also might have had them. However, the lowest castes were literally kept like cattle as slaves in the households of the landlords till the advent of the English rule. So, in most cases of such populations, their ancient traditions have been wiped out.

Still, Edgar Thurston has made very detailed study about most of these castes. In Rev. Samuel Mateer’s Native Life in Travancore, the deities and worship systems of the Ezhavas are mentioned in detail.

None of them, if examined detail are actually from the Brahmanical spiritual systems. However, over the centuries there have been very ferocious attempts to attach their spiritual system to the Brahmanical religion. This is mainly due to the feudal content in the local languages. A proximity to the Brahmanical religion would add ‘respect’ to their gods. A detachment would make their deities have a feel of a semi-barbarian god. The words would change.

In fact, I have heard directly from some Nayar individuals that in their childhood, they would not go near a Muthappan Shamanistic ritual. They looked upon the Muthappan ritualistic dance as some ritual of a lower class population. However, from a very local vested-interest perspective, there would have been Thiyya higher classes who would have wanted a closer connection with their higher castes. If that had been allowed, the Muthappan worship would have been very quietly mentioned as some kind of lower form of the Hindu Trinities.

Due to a very particular aspect inside the local feudal languages, people generally get trained to lean on something. The physical posture of standing without leaning on something like a doorframe, tree, another person’s shoulder &c. are connected to a deeper need aroused by the language codes. I cannot go into it here. However, it may be noted that in pristine-English social system, individuals are trained to stand erect without leaning on anything.

The mental craving for something to lean on is there in almost everything. People would need to have some support. It can be a higher placed man, a connection to a higher status family, a link to a more respected religion and thus. These are basic things that are totally different from what is natural in pristine-English.

This book, Malabar, seems to simply allow the Thiyyas of those times to vanish into a nonentity. There was indeed a huge population of Thiyyas in north Malabar. The Muthappan temple at Parashinikadavu and the hilltop shrine at Kunnathurpadi are not at all found mentioned in this book. This is quite a curious item. For even the small-time Brahmanical temples in the various locations are mentioned. Mappilla mosques are mentioned. The various Christian religious sects are also given detailed writing.

However, the fact is that the Thiyyas of north Malabar had a spiritual worship system which was quite wide-spread throughout North Malabar. (I am not mentioning the south Malabar Thiyyas, because I do not have much information on them and I think that they are another population totally.) This string of worship system was none other than the Muthappan shrines. I did not find one single mention of Muthappan in this book of records on Malabar, purportedly written by a Collector of the Malabar District. It should be quite curious.

This item turns more curious and intriguing when it is seen that there is some kind of a historical association between the English-rule built Railway Stations in North Malabar and Muthappan worship. In fact, there seems to be a Muthappan temple in close proximity to many a railway station in north Malabar stretching up to Mangalore in the erstwhile Mysore State. The most famous in this regard is the Railway Muthappan Shrine at Thavakkara in Cannanore, which I think was the first to be built in close connection with the railway stations.

The more curious issue is that some rogue has mentioned Muthappan worship as a Hindu worship system in one internationally known low content-quality web-portal. It is totally curious in that a temple and worship system that had been totally avoided by those persons connected to the traditional Hindu and Brahmanical worship systems is now being connected to it. However, I do not have enough knowledge to say more about this. It might be possible that some higher caste links might be mentioned in the Muthappan tradition also. That is how the local languages generally tend to gather power and admiration.

There is a much-mentioned story of how the Muthappan shrines came to be connected to the Railway stations of north Malabar. However, I am not taking that up here. For, I am not sure how authentic the popular version is. But then, in the North Malabar Railway Archives, the real history of this connection might still be there on the records. If it was English rule here, I could have approached the officials to make an enquiry about this. However, since the administration has changed into feudal language systems, it would be quite difficult to go an make an enquiry in a government office, unless one goes there with some official supremacy. The ordinary man in India can literally get shooed out of an Indian government office.

There are traditions and folklore and other stories connected to the Muthappan heritage. However, the stories are quite insipid when compared to the Shamanistic phenomenon that gets enacted during the ritualistic procedures. The person who gets possessed by the Muthappan entity or supernatural software or some indefinable being or entity, literally become a different persona. In bearing, tone, faculty and competence, the individual is different.

Actually the Muthappan phenomenon could very well go beyond the current parameters of physical knowledge, in that it is like Muthappan can look into some kind of a software application of life and reality, and see the past, the present and future. My most formidable experiences with this phenomenon had been with the Muthappan phenomenon at the Railway Muthappan Shrine at Thavakkara, Cannanore.

Interested readers can check my book: Software codes of mantra, tantra, witchcraft, black magic, evil eye, evil tongue &c

The phenomenon seems to be a Shamanistic spiritual phenomenon connected the Marumakkathaya Thiyyas of North Malabar. However, some other castes are also seen mentioned in close association with this religion. I have no idea if a similar Shamanistic spiritual religion was there among the Makkathaya Thiyyas of South Malabar. However, it is true that some kind of Shamanistic spiritual religion was there in practise in various locations of the subcontinent. However, it is also a reality in so many other locations all around the world. I have no idea as to whether they all have any mutual connections and if they all do focus on the same central point of focus.

But then there is zero mention of this in this book, Malabar. As to the Keralolpathi, which has been mentioned with a sort of clockwork periodicity in this book, I wonder if this religion has been mentioned.

It is quite curious that the English and European historical researchers in this location of those period simply skips all historical enquiry on the origin of the north Malabar Thiyyas. It is possible that all of them had native helpers from the higher castes, who must have led them away from this topic. Actually there is evidence that this kind of fooling by the native section had been practised on the officials of the English Company. I will mention that later.

These researchers mention Jain, Buddhist, Tamil, Arabic, Phoenician, Roman, Ceylonese, Far-eastern, Chinese &c. population entry. However, what was patently visible right in front of them, they seemed to have missed seeing. It is quite curious. But then, if one knows the mentality of the populations of the location, one can understand how the native-Englishmen had been made to go blind. In the feudal languages, a single mention and a single glorifying adjective will work wonders on the verbal codes. These are things unknown to the native-English mind. No mention is the way to kill a competing entity.

However, the Thottam chollal or the ritualistic chanting that leads to the conversion of an individual to a supernatural entity is in a language which seems to be part of the heritage of this phenomenon. If this be so, then there is an error somewhere in mentioning that the Travancore part and the Malabar part of the geography had a common or same heritage. For the antiquity of Travancore is Tamil. While the actual traditional language of North Malabar was a language quite different from modern Malayalam, in that it might not have any influence of both Tamil and Sanskrit. These words of mine are not a studied one. However, it might be good to look at this information from a disinterested perspective.

The traditional language of North Malabar was Malayalam, but that Malayalam is not the Malayalam that was seen promoted by the Christian evangelical groups and Gundert. However, that is another issue. I will deal with it later.

There is this quote from this book: QUOTE: The only exception to this rule is that which forms the most characteristic feature of Malayalam—a language which appears to have been originally identical with Tamil, but which, in so far as its conjugational system is concerned, has fallen back from the inflexional development reached by both tongues whilst they were still one, to what appears to have been the primitive condition of both—a condition nearly resembling the Mongolian, the Manchu, and the other rude primitive tongue of High Asia. END OF QUOTE

See the words: nearly resembling the Mongolian, the Manchu, and the other rude primitive tongue of High Asia. It is quite curious. Does the original language of Malabar have features or similarities in any kind with the Mongolian, Manchu and other rude primitive tongues of High Asia? It is quite curious in that both Marumakkathaya Thiyyas and the Nayars have been mentioned as possibly having some connection to the northern parts of Asia. May be they are from different locations.

See the words of Mr. F. W. Ellis’ essay mentioned in this book QUOTE: — “.................. and establish etymology on the firm basis of truth and reason, will suggest to the philosopher new and important speculations on mankind, and open to the historian views of the origin and connection of nations which he can derive from no other source.” END OF QUOTE

NOTEs: etymology: a chronological account of the birth and development of a particular word or element of a word, often delineating its spread from one language to another and its evolving changes in form and meaning. END OF NOTEs

The word rude is also quite a surprise. The word ‘rude’ is an adjective that Lord Macaulay had used to describe the languages of the subcontinent. Why they are rude, he did not explain. However, they are rude due to the feudal content in them. These languages are extremely impolite to the subordinated classes and to the vanquished.

Now, there are two things to be mentioned with regard to the Thiyya caste-mention in this book. The first item is about the various insertions that tend to connect the Thiyyas to other castes with a sort of meticulous maliciousness.

The second is about the successful attempts by the Ezhava leadership in Travancore to encroach into north Malabar and assert the claims that the Marumakkathaya Thiyyas are actually Ezhavas. As to the Makkathaya Thiyyas, I am not sure. For, that location and that caste seemed to have gone into another terrific historical experience. That of the so-called Mappilla lahala, the Mappilla (Malabar Muslim) revolt. In which the Mappillas attacked the Brahmins and associates, and the Nayars with a vehemence that cannot be understood in English.

Makkathaya Thiyyas will have to be studied on their own. It is a different population, I think. Where they came from is not seen mentioned in the books.

However, I have to place on record here that I personally feel that the Makkathaya Thiyya family system was more modern, sensible and stable. But then, they were the caste, from which a lot of persons converted into Islam, to escape some terrible kind of social enslavement. There will be quite profound explanations for that. However I will not take up that issue in this book, because I fear that the book will become too lengthy, and I will have to put in more time to study that population group.

It is true that Dr. Gundert does have the feel of an active agent of certain extra-national interests in Malabar. That is a different issue. However, what is quite intriguing is that he is also quite active in connecting the Thiyyas of Malabar to the Ezhavas of Travancore.

However of more interest is the interest shown by the authors of this book, Malabar, to bring in his words to assert the claim that the Thiyyas of Malabar are Ezhavas of Travancore. There is this quote in which he mentions the castes in Malabar and Travancore which follow the Marumakkathayam family system. He says: QUOTE: ..... (26) Tiyan in north, and in Travancore. (Marumakkathayam) END OF QUOTE. Thiyyas are not the natives of Travancore. Ezhavas of Travancore are given a Thiyya identity here.

Look at a similar quote about the communities that followed the Makkathaya Family system: QUOTE: (26) Tiyar in Kadattunad and Travancore (Makkathayam). END OF QUOTE.

In both the full text of the quotes, the word ‘Ezhava’ is not mentioned. Instead, the word Thiyyan is used for Ezhavas. This type of mixing-up actually follows a very well-planned pattern in this book. Also, there is a slight issue of the word ‘Tiyan’ being used in the first quote, and ‘Tiyar’ used in the second quote. There are actually quite powerful differences in the two words, when seen through the querulous codes of the local feudal languages. Whether this difference is an inadvertent entry or something denoting some other more malicious intent is not known.

In most locations of the book, where it is more or less certain that native vested interests have written the text or added insertions, there is a continuing pattern. It is that whenever the words Tiyar is mentioned, a very consistent insertion is also given therein. That is ‘Islander’, ‘Ilavar’, ‘Islander’ etc. Actually all these words are for defining the Ezhavas. But then, there is a very malicious intention felt all over the book in these kinds of sections, to connect the word ‘Tiyar’ with ‘Illavar’ (Ezhavar).

See the following:

1. and fully described by Cosmas Indicopleustes, the islanders [Tiyar) must have been settled in the country before the middle of the sixth century A.D.

[My note: The context could be about Ezhavas, and the word ‘Tiyar’ should be an extra entry by the persons who inserted text into this book.]

2. another of them may have been the Islanders or Cingalese (Dvipar, Divar, Tiyar, and Simhalar, Sihalar, Ilavar) ;

[My note: Again similar kind of entry inside brackets]

3. Tiyar or Islanders who, it is said, came from the south (Ceylon),

[My note: Here these is very obvious mixing up of populations]

4. one-third for the expenses of the Tiyars, Cherumars or other cultivators attached to the soil,

[My note: Here the Tiyars are connected to the Cherumars and other indentured slaves attached to the soil. However, it is quite doubtful if this definition could be applicable to the Thiyyas. There is desperation in the minds of the upper castes to inform the English officialdom that the Thiyyas are mere slaves attached to the soil. Do not give any higher official rank to them. The administration will stink!]

5. The Tiyar or Ilavar caste is the numerically strongest section of the Hindu population, numbering in all 559,717.

[My note: See the way the Ilavar caste of Travancore is mixed up with the Tiyar caste of Malabar. Moreover the mentioning of them as Hindus can also be part of a wider conspiracy.]

6. One of their caste names (Tiyan) denotes that they came originally from an *island, while the other caste name (Ilavan) denotes that that island was Ceylon. Tiyan is a corruption of the Sanskrit Dvipan passing through Tivan, a name which is even now sometimes applied to the caste. In the records of the Tellicherry Factory the caste is generally alluded to “Tivee.” Simhala was the ancient name for Ceylon, and the other caste name of the planters must have passed through Simhalam to Sihalan and Ihalan and finally to Ilavan.

[My note: It is quite obvious that the words Tiyan and Illavan have nothing in common. However, a connection is built up through a roundabout manner, by going through Sanskrit. The main problem here is that Malabar location does not have much Sanskrit influence in its antique communication system.

As to the Tellicherry Factor using the word ‘Tivee’, it could be just because it was the way the word was understood by the native-English officials, or it must be the cunning way it was introduced to them by the higher castes starting from Nayar upwards. Actually, there is no context in the text to even mention Ilavan or Simhalan or Ceylon. But no opportunity to buttress this totally fabricated idea is missed. ]

7. And I also (one of the above lords of Maruwan Sapir Iso or the church, vide n), who formerly had the possession of the share staff (வாரககொல்,, feudal tenure ?) of the four families of Ilawar (Simhalese, also Tiyar, Dwipar, Islanders,” now palm-tree cultivators),

[My note: This quote is from one of the Deeds connected to the Travancore kingdom. What is the meaning of adding Tiyar, Dwipar, Islander &c. into a translation of an ancient deed? And at the end adding palm-tree cultivators. This palm-tree cultivator usage is also a deliberate attempt to added the adjective Toddy-tapper, which in the local language could have connected the individuals to a lower verbal status. It is very clear that there was some terrific meticulously planned idea to demark the Thiyyas of north Malabar to destruction through ignominy and connection to a population in another country with which actually Malabar had very little connection, linguistically, population-wise and history.]

8. p. Those Ilawar are permitted to follow out their occupations (?) in the bazar and on the wall.

q. Nor have the Island ruler (or Tiyar headman) and the Wall office or whoever it be, any power to stop them on any charges whatsoever.

NOTEs: 1. See Glossary under Tiyan, &c.

[My note: The above three sentences have one basic problem. The Ilawar has permission. And the Island ruler has no power to stop them. But then what is the words in bracket ‘or Tiyar headman’ doing here. The point is that these are insertions into the original text translation done by someone with some malicious intentions.]

9. ILAVAN. From ilam, from Chingngalam, Simhala, Sihala = Ceylon. The name of the Tiyan in the Palghat and Temmalapuram Districts in parlance, who are aborigines of Malabar ; in other places they are only so named in writings. Note—The Tiyar or Tivar (from tivu, corruption of Sanskrit divpu = an island) are believed not to have been the aborigines of Malabar, but to have come from an island (Ceylon), bringing with them the southern tree (tengngkay), the cocoanut. See Tiyan, Shanar, Mukkuvar. [My note: The above is a glossary listing on Ilavan. However, instead of focusing on Ezhavas, the writing more or less puts it full force to connect to Thiyyas. Actually there is much that can be written about Ezhavas without any mention of Thiyyas.

And the Note given above is also taking full strain to emphasis the point, ‘don’t you know Tivu means Island, and that island, don’t you know is Ceylon, and don’t you know Tiyan, Shanar, Mukkuvar &c. all came from that island. It is a most rascal act in which there is no one to put a restrain. Simply connecting a population who themselves proclaim that they have no connection, to a population in another country. The basic aim is clearly to connect the Thiyya population to a population group that was then clearly seen as menial in their native country. The Thiyyas were showing all abilities to move up with the advent of the English rule in north Malabar. However, the fact remains that a huge percent of them would bring up their lower social qualities to disturb the Nayars.

The reader should not understand that the Thiyyas or any other lower castes are soft and polite. The fact remains that every lower population given a upper hand would be like the much mentioned behaviour of the Negro slave population that was let loose in the USA. The attitude would be that of ‘taking a mile when an inch is offered’. A bit of leeway would only add to a feeling of supremacy and an urge to overtake. There would be no sense of gratitude on being allowed the chance to improve. See the quote below:]

10. A caste of Vellalars or cultivating Sudras residing in certain Hobalis of the Palghat Taluk, who are said to have come from Kangayam in the Coimbatore province, and who are now so intermixed with the Nayars as not to be distinguished from them except when a Tiyan addresses them and gives them this appellation instead of Nayar. In Kangayam they are called Mannadi.

[My note: There is a bit of a problem here, in that the so-called Thiyars of Palghat seems mentioned as a Ezhava population donning the name of Thiyyas. This is a general attitude seen in Malabar in earlier days. That of Ezhavas mentioning themselves as Thiyyas. And in Travancore the Ezhavas do have a tradition of mentioning the Nayars as Sudras, to give a pierce. ]

11. Tiyar or Islanders who, it is said, came from the south (Ceylon), [where was it said that the Thiyyas are Islanders and that they came from the south (Ceylon).

12. MUKKUVAR. From Dravidian mukkuka

Note.—“Said to be immigrants from Ceylon with Ilavar” (q.v.) —Gundert.

[My note: Attempts are there in this book to identify the Thiyyas as Mukkuvars. The point here is that in the subcontinent, despite all its high-sounding historical claims of seafaring &c., the fact remains that the toilers of the seas are considered as a lowly group by the people living in the interiors. ]

13. The Melacheris are apparently the descendants of Tiyyars and Mukkuvars (fishermen) of the coast.

[My note: Even though this might seem to be quite an innocuous statement of facts, actually there is more to it when viewed from the feudal language perspective. In feudal languages, a verbal link mentioned to anyone has a very powerful meaning and content. For instance, suppose an individual has a distant uncle who is an IPS officer and another distant uncle who is a menial worker. Depending on whose link is mentioned, the word codes for ‘You’, ‘Your’, ‘Yours’, ‘He’, ‘His’, ‘Him’, ‘She’, ‘Her’, ‘Hers’, ‘They’, ‘Their’, ‘Them’ &c. would change powerfully. It would be like flinging a person from the heights to the ditch or from the ditch to the heights.

There is a wider issue here. There are many other populations also in the subcontinent. For instance, there are immense incidences of higher caste Brahmin, Ambalavasi as well as Nayar females being taken over or sold to lower castes. This has really created a mixed blood people among the lower castes. However, the higher castes literally forget them and no mention about them is made anymore. For a simple mention of a family relationship to a lower caste person can pull down a person’s complete social attributes.

The cunningness here is that the Thiyyas are very quietly connected to a population that in those days were considered as the seafarers, who were looked down. It is quite a funny scene. There is fabulous claims about ‘Indians’ being great maritime traders. However, the nearest seafarer is still kept at a distance by their great ‘patriots. In Trivandrum, I have very plainly heard the local people, both Nayars as well as the Ehavas making verbal usages that try to distance themselves from the fishermen folks. As for the fishermen folk, there are indeed a different group with a lot of rough verbal usages and facial demeanour. However, this does not mean that they are bad or good.

I think generally even the Indian navy tries to keep a distance from them. Even though it is quite possible that the British navy would not.]

14. SHANAR. The name by which Tiyars or toddy-drawers are called in the Temmalapuram and Palghat Districts, who are not aborigines of Malabar, but come from the districts to the east of the ghats. Note.—See Iluvar and Tiyar.

[My note: There is terrible malice in the above writing. Actually the Shanars are not mentioned in Malabar. They are generally mentioned in Travancore. They might be toddy-tappers. Ezhavas do have Toddy-tappers among them. So do the Thiyyas. That does not mean that all of them are the same people. They are actually different people who traditionally spoke different languages and looked different. Moreover, the text seems to give an idea that all the people in these castes are toddy-tappers, which is not true. Among the Thiyyas only a few were doing that. Others were agricultural workers. Still others were traditional medicine men, practising herbal medicine. There would also have been land owner and rich persons. However, in the above text, there is absolute callousness in the way the populations are clubbed together and given the status connected to a particular profession.

Apart from that Toddy-tapping actually does require a lot of physical and mental abilities. ]

15. TIYAN: Formerly written Tivan, that is islander (from Sanskrit dvipam).

[My note: In this book, Malabar, for so many cunning fallacious, false, inaccurate, inappropriate, malapropos, unacceptable, unseemly and defective connections given to so many words, many quotes from various books are given. However, some of the very obvious ones are simply ignored. All quotes and connections are filtered out from books and traditions to propose what the authors want to present. Dipu means Island in Sanskrit. What is that to do with Marumakkathaya Thiyyas?]

16. The most probable view is that the Vedic Brahman immigration into Malabar put a stop to the development of Malayalam as a language just at the time when the literary activity of the Jains in the Tamil country was commencing.

[My note: This is supposed to present a part of the history of Malabar. Where is the entry of the Thiyyas mentioned in this or anywhere else? Is there any Sanskrit book that mentions with clear citations that the Thiyyas are from Ceylon and are Ezhavas? There is obviously no mention about the entry of Thiyyas in the fake history writing in Keralolpathi. For no such thing is seen quoted.

In fact, the so-called histories of the location do not mention the majority population/s of the place. They mention only the castes who could insert their own presence in the writings that were created during the English rule. Before the English rule, there was no history writing other than certain forgeries like the Keralolpathi, which itself seems to have been written quite recently.]

17. If, as tradition says, the islanders brought with them the coconut tree-—the “southern tree” as it is still called — then, judging from the facts stated in the footnote to page 79, this must have happened some time after the beginning of the Christian era ; and, judging from the fact that the tree was well known to, and fully described by Cosmas Indicopleustes, the islanders (Tiyar) must have been settled in the country before the middle of the sixth century A.D.

[My note: This is actually a historical description of the Ezhavas, which has been simply superimposed upon the Thiyyas. First of all using the word ‘Islander’ itself is a suspicious item. Second, adding ‘Tiyar’ in brackets in most indiscriminate manner. The problem is much connected to the local feudal languages, which assign very specific lower indicant verbal codes for physical labour. So, mentioning a connection to a profession that is considered menial in the local languages is a very powerful way to introduce the population to the new people who had arrived in the subcontinent from England.]

In almost all the areas where the writings have been doctored or done directly by others, there is no mention of Thiyyas in any English endeavour. In those locations, Nayars are presented as great people, valorous, brave, intelligent, genteel etc. However, in the location where the writings are very clearly done possibly by W. Logan himself, the whole tone changes. Nayars are presented or hinted as cowards, undependable, traitorous, selfish, and oppressive.

Moreover, in the locations where the others have written the text, the Nayars are presented as both great ‘barons’ of the lands as well as the foot-soldiers. However, there is no mention of Thiyyas also being part of the English native-army. See the below quote.

18. Captains Slaughter and Mendonza and Ensign Adams with 120 soldiers, 140 Nayars and 60 Tiyars, and others, mustering altogether 400 men, accordingly took possession of the fortress that same forenoon, and the Canarese general received notice to quit, with which he feigned compliance ; but he did not actually go.

[My note: Thiyya soldiery is seen very clearly mentioned. However, the terror this eventually must have created for the Nayar folks might not have been understood by the English. For, it is like appointing a master class and their servant class in the same professional position. For, the feudal language verbal codes would wreak havoc on the Nayar people, when they have to treat the Thiyya folks on par with them. The issue would be that both the Nayars as well as the Thiyyas who joined as the soldiery would be from the financially lower social positions. It is inconceivable that the financially and land-owning Thiyyas would join this job. However, for the Nayars, their caste would have given them a detachment from the Thiyya labour classes. However, the amalgamation of both these groups would be a terrible imposition on the Nayars, and the social enhancement for the Thiyya labour classes.

Even though one might see social reformation and such high-sounding ideas in such events, the real truth is that in feudal language ambience, what has occurred is a very painful occurrences to the higher side. For, it is the language codes that have created the level differences. The English endeavours of removing the detachment without erasing the local languages, was at best a foolish endeavour.]

19. On the 27th the native levies from Tellicherry—all Narangapuratta Nayar’s men, the corps of Tiyar, and 231 Mappillas, 450 men in all—proceeded to join the Prince’s and Kottayam Raja's forces at Edakkad.

[My note: Here we see that the Thiyya population did work in the same location that the Nayars had worked. As ‘protectors’, if that word is supposed to mean anything. Actually foot-soldiers (cooliepada) do not mean much in the subcontinent, other than that they can induce terror in the people if they are let loose in an area.]

20. Then a crisis occurred. The Nayars and Tiyars at Ponolla Malta deserted, and the sepoys refused to sacrifice themselves.

[My note: Both Nayars as well as Thiyyas do not seem much different when it comes to courage, valour and commitment. After-all both of them are designed by the same language codes, even though at different levels.]

21. After this the Mappilla picked a quarrel with a Nayar and was subsequently shot by the Tiyar guard.

[My note: Here it is seen that there was an official Thiyya Guard. Beyond that they did come to the help of a Nayar. Quite interesting stuff. What is their enmity to the Mappilla who after all was not their traditional oppressor? Well, it is here a very powerful social content comes out. In feudal languages, when one is oppressed, there is love and ‘respect’ for the oppressor. However, if one is liberated and allowed equality by a superior, one does not have love or ‘respect’ for the liberator. Instead, envy and jealousy is what comes out for the liberator. This is a very powerful information that the native-English did not get. Almost all the populations whom they improved are envious of them and speak only bad things about them. However, to those who suppress them by means of verbal codes, they show respect. They address and refer to them as ‘Mahatma’, ‘Ji’, ‘Bhai’, ‘Chettan’, ‘Chechi’, ‘Akka’, ‘Ikka’ etc.

22. ADIYAN. Is literally slave both in Tamil and Malayalam, and in the Northern Division of Malabar it is applied to the real slaves, but in South Malabar it means generally vassals. Under the old system, where every Tiyan was under a kind of vassalage to some superior, to some patron, to a Tamburan as he is commonly called, the patron was bound to protect him and to redress any petty wrongs he might sustain, and the client or vassal acknowledged his dependent state by yearly presents, and was to be ready with his personal services upon any private quarrel of his patron. This kind of dependency gave the patron no right of disposal of the person of his vassal as a slave, nor did it acquit the dependent individual of a superior obligation to the Raja or his representatives, the Desavali, and Neduvali, upon a public emergency.

[My note: To a limited extent, the above might state the social status of the labour class Thiyyas in Malabar. Here, again there is difference in the social status of the Marumakkathaya Thiyyas from that of Makkathaya Thiyyas. It may be connected to the different kind of Nayars above them. Being under a lower quality Nayar is worse than being under a higher quality Nayar.

But then again, this might not be the actual picture. For, it is a known thing to me that there were Thiyya families which were not traditionally from the labour class. For, among the Thiyyas themselves, there is great repulsion for the labour class Thiyyas. This mental repulsion for the labour class is encoded in the local languages. ]

23. There is a celebrated pagoda known as Totikalam (തൊടിക്കളം) temple about one mile northwest of Kannoth, where, in the month of Vrischigam, Tiyyars bring tender coconuts as offerings to the deity.

[My note: I simply quote this to mention something. I do not know anything about this temple. However, it is a fact that the Thiyyas were not allowed into Hindu Temples till around some time in the early part of the 1900s. They had their own shrines for worship to their traditional gods. Yet, there was still an innate attraction for the Brahmin temples. I have been told that in the Tiruvangad temple at Tellicherry, the Thiyyas used to stand outside, with tender coconut offerings. This tendency to get attracted to a seeming superior, who keeps one at a distance is also part of the feudal language codes. It more or less reflects the mental standard of low self-esteem. This low self-esteem is again a creation of the feudal language codes.

This mental mood can be equated to the craving in such places as South Africa among the blacks to encroach Whites-only beaches. There are hundreds of places where the blacks can go. But their total mental focus is on occupying Whites-only beaches. The simple fact they can create blacks-only beaches seems quite insulting and nonsense to them. Therein lies the issue of innate quality in a population. If the black populations had quality, then there is no need to get attracted to the Whites-only beaches. Native-black languages of South Africa would need to be examined in detail to understand the core codes that induces a feeling of inferiority in them. When inferior people are given a chance to dominate, they become oppressive. Their attitude would be to encroach upon everyone who they feel are soft. They don’t want a distance. They want a stranglehold.]

24. Upon asking a number of Brahmans and Nayars assembled at Calicut whether Tiyars were included among the Sudras of the Sastra they professed ignorance, and said they must refer to the Sastra.

[My note: This again seems to suggest that at least a section of the Thiyyas did improve very fast in personality features, with the advent of the English rule. It is like a lower-class family from the subcontinent going to England and living there for some time. They all will show remarkable positive personality changes.

The Brahmins and the Nayar would have been in a quandary to mention very fabulous looking Thiyyas as some kind of lower castes. Yet, there is some confusion with regard to this. There were two different populations that went with the name Thiyya.

The second point is that the lower section of the Thiyya population, which lived at places distant from the English education systems still retained their lower caste demeanour. See this quote about what still lingered on in attire:

QUOTE: The Tiyan woman (Tiyatti) wears no cholee, or any cloth thrown over her shoulders and neck. Her body down to the waist is entirely exposed END OF QUOTE.

However the fact remains that the Nayar females also were more or less in the same attire when they moved in the proximity of their senior castes. As to the Brahmin and other similar higher caste females, their plight was more terrible. They could not come out of their residential areas. Due to the fear of the lower indicant verbal codes and profane glances of the lower castes. They were like the people who lived at a distance from the sea. These persons would not venture much into the sea. For the seashore was in the hands of the fishermen (Mukkuva people). They were the lower castes, but were actually living a life of full freedom in the seas. The Brahmins cannot even think of being addressed by them. A fisherman coming and addressing Brahmin or Nayar as an equal would be worse than being taken hostage by the Somali pirates of current-days.

Therein lies the great lie of the great mercantile history of the subcontinent. The people who dominated the seashores and the ports and harbour were slightly or greatly different from the high-class people/s of the subcontinent. However, the only population that had not much of a concern in this were the Mappillas in Malabar and other Muslims in other countries in the subcontinent.

Why the Mappillas were different has to dealt with separately. ]

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