| Source Category | Examples | Key Considerations |
|---|---|---|
| Archaeological | Excavated sites, artefacts, stratigraphy | Requires typological and stratigraphic dating; often the only source for pre-literate periods |
| Epigraphic | Inscriptions on stone, copper plates | Often precisely dated and localised; but limited to what rulers/patrons chose to record |
| Numismatic | Coins | Useful for chronology, trade networks, political control; legends and iconography carry ideological content |
| Literary/textual | Chronicles, religious texts, court poetry | Requires internal criticism for authorial bias, patronage, genre conventions |
| Archival/administrative | Government records, gazetteers, revenue settlements, census reports | Rich in detail but shaped by the administrative purposes and assumptions of the compiling authority |
| Oral | Testimony, folklore, oral tradition | Recovers otherwise undocumented experience; requires careful handling of memory, transmission, and context |
Colonial-era gazetteers, district manuals, and ethnographic surveys — compiled by administrators such as William Logan (Malabar), or ethnographers cataloguing caste and community structure — are indispensable sources for regional and social history, but require careful source criticism. They combine genuinely valuable empirical detail (often gathered through direct fieldwork and administrative record-keeping unavailable elsewhere) with colonial administrative assumptions — classificatory schemes intended to facilitate governance, revenue collection, and social control, which could impose external categories on communities rather than simply describing them.
The colonial census (from 1871) and district gazetteers represent a distinctive genre of source: systematically compiled, richly empirical, yet actively shaping the social categories (especially caste) they purported merely to record. Historians such as Bernard Cohn have examined how colonial "investigative modalities" (survey, census, museum, gazetteer) did not neutrally document Indian society but constructed the very categories through which it came to be administratively and, subsequently, popularly understood.
Building on the introduction in Section 1, Subaltern Studies (founded by Ranajit Guha) developed specific methodological strategies for recovering subordinated agency from sources produced largely by elites:
Oral history recovers experience absent from written archives — particularly valuable for peasant, labour, women's, and tribal history — but requires methodological care regarding the fallibility and reconstructive nature of memory, the influence of later events on recollection, and the interview context itself as shaping testimony. Memory studies more broadly examine how communities and nations construct and revise collective memory of past events (e.g., Partition memory studies, using oral testimony to recover experiences largely absent from official archives).
Contemporary historical method increasingly incorporates digital tools: GIS (Geographic Information Systems) mapping of historical data, text-mining and computational analysis of large document corpora, digitised archives enabling wider access to primary sources, and genetic/population-history data supplementing traditional textual and archaeological evidence — an active area of methodological development relevant to current NET/PhD research training.